It is important that the political platform is expanding for both our political and free, fair and democratic election!
An organization that believes in peace and negotiation and negotiation starting from the establishment is important to discuss, discuss and discuss and negotiate. It is known that we have been working aimlessly with free, justice and democratic election. According to this, our members have sacrificed a lot of interference in the government led by EPRDF for years. A crime of OPICO leaders, members and supporters of murder, torture, torture, displacement and displacement have been committed. Still today, members and supporters of Opico who are still standing for the right and freedom of their people are suffering from false and fake crimes in the country, different police camps, special force camps, organization offices, regular prisoners and education. They are available.
On the other hand, the political parties that we found in the form of the federalism has started to put out the constitution and identity of the current Ethiopian problems. Political question of ethnicity is being asked before TPLF was created and there are many organizations that have done their work with TPLF. We say these right forces should be high early.
As Oromo Federal Congress’s goal is to make the democratic right to be respected based on the people’s interest and democratic election only. Yet, push the right forces who oppose the federalism based on the constitution and the constitution! When they say, those who control the government’s efforts will be seen moving to the federal government’s dispute. Ovico will notice that this is a dangerous move.
Today’s ethnic-based conflict that is happening in different parts of our country, has been concerned that the political challenges of the peaceful struggle will hurt our country and our people, and OPICO’s political problems will be solved by the nationalism. Both the government and the ruling party are not listening to us. What is more surprising is that the government, the ruling party has released the sixth general election board for three years from Addis Ababa to Arbaminch and Bishoftu. It is known that the five round elections that are said to be held are free, fair and non-believers and international parties, Ethiopian people and international observers have not given recognition. It seems innocent to expect that the coming election of the government and its followers will be free, fair and trustworthy.
Therefore, even if the Oromo Federal Congress (Opico) asks for negotiation and negotiation to transfer the following questions and solutions to our country’s complex problems and democratic system, we will present the following questions and ideas.
- The FDRE government has opened the members, supporters and other political parties that were suspected of the constitution and the constitution, and the government has opened them by their political positions. We ask you to get comfortable with situations to start work. We would like to inform all Ethiopian people and the people who are imprisoned, opposing the election, competing and following the election will be very difficult for all Ethiopian people and their concern.
- We urge the government and the ruling party to make the people free from political parties and democratic and human rights.
- Government-run media masses are reflecting only the needs of the ruling party. Some media that say they are personal related to government, and the government should take force steps to destroy ethnic groups based on ethnicity, ethnicity! Push him out! They rock the single song. This kind of way does not benefit our country. Therefore, we ask all the media to provide information to Ethiopians with great respect to the society to work hard and fulfill their responsibilities.
- Laws are made to ensure the security of the citizens and the country, but in a country where laws are not respected, peace, development and prosperity are not considered. Out of the constitution, illegal killings, imprisonment, displacement, threats are happening to citizens. Police arrest the citizen who ordered the court to release by unknown order. Government officials who committed crime on the cover of government are not brought to justice. Even though they are close they are very few. So we call on court, criminal investigators to free themselves from any party or group of parties and democrats to help build good governance and democracy.
- Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, we urge you to do your role in transferring different parts of the country.
- We are at a critical time where we can make a successful democratic transition of our country’s political forces. We ask the government, the ruling party and the Ethiopian National Electoral Board to stop the election that will be acceptable to the people and stop their politics.
We have been unable to train our politics for the past five years and the conflict we want to move from one crisis to another transition. And it’s being seen out. We have been in a difficult situation to understand our history for the past three years of national agreement, Aba Geda and the elders of the country. We are seeing the profit and loss with the Ethiopian people. For the last three years, we are trying to make a peaceful, free and fair election to bring a democratic system that has been planned for the past three years. Therefore, all Ethiopian political forces and Ethiopian people who organized the rights and freedom of our country should not be stupid.
There is no option for a successful democratic transition!
Oromo Federal Congress (OFC)
Finfine, December 30/2013
Hogganootaa fi Miseensota akkasumas deggertoota ABO kanneen mana hidhaa jirtaniif
Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo
Ummata Oromoo Bal’aa
Hunda dura baga bara haaraa 2021 nagaan geenye jechaa hawwii qabu maqaa hogganoota ABO, miseensotaa fi hogganootaa fi miseensota ABO mana hidhaa jiraniin isinii dabarsa. Barri haaraan kun ummta Oromoof keessa isaatti bara nagaa fi tasgabbii, bara milkii fi injifannoo, bara haqii fi dhugaan ummata Oromoo bakka argatee ummanni keenya dararaa jalaa bahu, bara sabni keenya mataan ol jedhu akka nuuf tahu hawwii qabu dabarsa.
Barri tokko yeroo darbu, barri ittaanee dhufu abdii fi yaaddoo walcina qabatee dhufa. Yeroo kamiyyuu abdii keenya guddifachuu fi yaaddoo keenya xiqqeessuuf yeroon itti irbuu keenya haaromsannu seensa bara haaraawaa irratti ta’uun beekamaa dha. Barri dabarsine, barri 2020 waan hedduu ulfaataa ta’an bate darbuutti jira. Bara kana keessa dhukkubni hamaa addnuyaa yaaddessee ture, Koronaan yeroo itti waah alle daangesse, lubbuu namoota hedduus galaafatee amma ilele bakka hedduutti galaafataa jiruu dha. Yeroo kana keessatti ogeessota fayyaa, hojjattoota hawaasaa fi qaamota dhibeen kun akka hin babal’anneef hojiilee ciccimaa hojjachaa jiran akka dhaabaattis akka ha-waasa Oromoo bala’aattis galateeffachuu barbaanna. Ummanni keenysa dhaamsota ogeessota fayyaa hordofuun akka dhibeen kun hin babal’anne godhee jira; kanaafis hedduu galateeffan. Keessattuu, miidiyaa Oromoo biyya keessaa fi alaa irraa barnootaa fi odeeffannoo babal’inaan dhibee kanaa ittiin daangessan ummataaf dabarsaa jiran jabeessinee galateeffanna.
Bara 2020 keessa hoggantoonni dhaaba keenyaa ABO fi dhaabotii siyaasaa qabsoo karaa gaggeesan hedduun yeroo itti hidhamnii jiranii dha; waajjiroonni keenya hedduus sababa tokko malee yeroo itti guutummaan cufamnii dha. Miseensonni keenyaa fi deegagrtoonni keenya kumootaan lakkaayamni yeroo itti haqa dhabanii hidhaa keessatti akka dararaman godhamaa jiranii dha.
Artistoota Oromoo akka qaroo ija keenyaatti ilaallu Hacaaluu Hundasaa, Daadhii galaan guyyaa saafaa yeroo itti dhabnee jirruu dha. Artistooti Kanneen kaanis kan itti hidhamanii reebamani dha. Ammas ilmaan Oromoo Oromiyaa mara keessatti yeroo humnoota moo-tummaan ajajuun hidhamaa, ajjeefamaa fi gidirfamaa jiran keessatti argaman. Ummanni keenya bahee galuuf yeroon itti wabii dhabe yoo jiraate bara dabarsaa jirru kana keessatti ta’uun ifaa dha.
Ummanni Oromoo addattii fi ummatootni kaanis qe’ee isaa irratti nagaan jiraachuu dhabee bakka maratti ajjeefamaa fi gidirfamuun naan-noo isaa irraa godaanee biyya alaa fi biyya keessatti baqattummaa fi buqaatummaan jiraachaa yeroo jiru dha. Oromiyaas ta’e biyya Ethio-pia keessatti manni murti bilisan hojjachuun dhibee godinoota hunda keessatti rakkoon fi yaaddoon nageenyaa ummata irra jiru haalaan yeroo yaaddessu keessa jirra.
Dhaabni keenya yeroo qabsootti seenu, qormaanni akkanaa akka isa mudate hubatee ti. Gatii qabsoon gaafatu mara baafnee kaayyoo Oromoo, dimokraasii fi mirga Oromoo milkeessuuf akkuma qabsootti seennetti, ammas dararaa yerotiif otuu hin jilbeeffanne human keenya walitti qindeessinee hojajchuun nagaan kenya kan itti fufu ta’uu irra deebinee hubachiisuu barbaanna.
Kanneen mrga Oromoo danquu murteeffatan amma illee taanaan Oromoo laaffisuu fi cabsuu irraa duubatti akak hin deebine jabeessinee beekuun barbaachisaa dha. Keessattuu, bara keessa bane kana kan hubanne, kanneen nu danqan humnaa fi dandeettii dhaaba keenyaa cabsuuf waantoota sehan armaan gadii irratti xiyyeefatanii hojjachaa akka jiran argaa jirra. Xiyyeeffannoon isaanii hogganoota Oromoo dadhabsiisuu, injifannoolee Oromoon qabsoo isaatiin goontfate duubatti deebisuu, tokkummaa Oromoo cabsuu, sabboonummaa Oromoo balleessuu fi jaarmiyoota walabaa Oromoo balleessuu fi laaffisuu dha.
Dhugaadha, qabsaa’onni Oromoo duula karaa hedduun Oromoo irratti banamee jiru kana karaa hundaan ofirraa facciaa jiru. Ummanni keenyas xiyyeeffannoo mirga Oromoo cabsuuf godhamu kana hubachuun wareegama jajabaa baasaa jira. Hal-leen kunneen amma illee dirmannaa fi jaatanii olaanaa barbaadu; karooraa fi hojii guyyuu hojjatnu mara keessatti sadarkaa duraatti xiyyeeffannoo barbaadu. Bara 2021 seenuuf jira kana keessattis hojiin keenya qabsoo Oromoo jabeessuu daran jabaatee itti fufuu qaba.
Ummanni Oromoo barootaaf kan cunqursaa keessatti dararamaa ture, hogganoota qabsoo gaggeessan baafachuu waan hanqateef ture. Kun qabsoo Oromoon baroota 50n darban keessa gaggeesseen hiikkoo argataa dhufeera. Haata’utii, kann-neen mirga Oromoo danqan hogganoota keenya karaa addaddaan cabsuu fi dadhabsiisuuf shiroota wali irraa hin cinne gaggeessuu hin dhiifne. Umamnni keenya haala kana huabchuun duula hogganoota qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo irartti gaggeeffamu karaa hundaan akka faccisu hubachiisna. Ummanii hoggana isaa tikfatu, jalaan horataa deemuu injifannoo waaraa galmeessa.
Ummanni keenya yeroo kamiyyuu keessatti waan keessa darbaa dhufe dagachuu hin qabu. Keessayyuu, qabsoo gootata Oromootiin injifannooleen haga yoonaatti galmeeffame kan laayyootti ilaalamu miti. Kannen mirga Oromoo danquu bar-baadan injifannoolee qabsaa’onni Oromoo galmeessan busheessee, Oromoo of duuba deebisuuf halkaniifi guyyaa ho-jjachaa jira. Kuna abadan akka hin taaneef sabni keenya injifannoolee haga yoonaatti galmeeffaman kunuunfachaa kan hafeef tarkaanfachuun barbaachisaa dha. Kana yeroo jennuu injifatnoo maaltu jira jedhanii kan qoosuu yaalan akka jiran akka gaariitti hubatna. Oromoon ijifatnoo hedduu harka galfatee kan hafeef qarqara xumuraa akka gahee jiru shakkii malee dubbtna. Qabsoon keenya kaayyoo dhaaba keenyaa milkeessuu waan ta’eef, karaa dandeenyu maraan qabsoo keenya jabeessuun barbaachisaa dha.
Humni Oromoon qabu tokko tokkummaa ummata Oromoo ti. Sabni guddaa kun gaafa tokkummaan socho’e raajii hojjachuu akka dnada’u waan beekaniif meeshaalee qaban maraan tokkummaa Oromoo diiguu fi laaffisuu irratti ijibbaata gochaa jiran. Haala kana hubachuun, ummanni keenya karaa hundaan tokkummaa saba keenyaa eeguu fi jabeessuu irratti akka hojjatu dhaammanna.
Kanneen galii qabsoo Oromoo gufachiisuu barbaadan waan irratti xiyyeeffatan keessaa kan biros sabboonummaa Oromoo ti. Sabboonummaan Oromoo saba Oromoof falmuu fi saba Oromoof quuqamuu dha. Kun akka yakkaatti ilaalamee yeroo sabboonummaa Oromoo diiguuf ifaajeen godhamu argaa jirra. Sabboonummaan Oromoo dantaa saba Oromoo fi lammiilee Oromiyaa mara tiksuun ala akeeka biraa hin qabu. Kana ummata keenays ta’ee halagaa ololaan akka malee hubachiifaman barsiisuun hojii keenya bara kana irratti xiyyeeffannu ta’a. Kana biraan, sabboonummaan Oromoo akka guddatuu fi jabaatu-uf sagantaalee jiran mara keessatti hammatamee akka irratti hojjatamu dhaammanna.
Ummanni Oromoo kana bakka kaayyeefate gahu jaarmiyaa jabaa yoo qabaatee dha. Kanneen dantaa Oromoo dura dhaabbatan kana waan beekaniif jaarmiyaalee hawaasaa, siyaasaa, aadaa, dinagdee, namoomaa, marabbaa fi ogummaa laaffisuu fi balleessuu irratti akeekkatanii hojjachaa jiran. Ummanni keenya dhugaa kana waan hubateef, jaarmiyaalee Oro-moo baroota 50n darban ijaaraman eeggachaa jira. Kun daran jabaatee itti fufuu qaba. Jaarmiyaalee Oromoo mara irraa haleellaa irraa eeguu fi jaarmiyaaleen Oromoo akka daran jabaatan karaa hundaan utubuun barbaachisaa dha. Beekumsaa fi ogummaa qabnuun jaarmiyaalee Oromoo yoo jabeeffanne, bakka yaadne gahuu waanti nu dhorku hin jiraatu.
Walumaan yeroo ummata Oromoof qormaata ta’e bara 2020 xumurree bara 2021 itti seenaa waan jirruuf ABO barri 2021 keessa ummanni keenya Oromoon tokkummaa isaa kan duraanii irra cimsuun roorroo bifa kamiinuu itti rorrifamaa jiru qab-soo karaa nagaan of irraa jilbeefachiisuuf qalbii haaraa fi yaada haaraan of qopheessuun murteessaa dha jenna. Ummatni hin ijaaramne humna tahuu hin danda’u. Humna tahan malee ammoo kaayyoo ka’aniif galmaan gahun hin danda’amu. Akeeka kaaneef galmaan gahuuf ijaaramuun ammas ijaaramuun caalaatti murteessaa dha. Humna yoo hin qabaanne ammoo akeeka hawwan bakkaan gahuun hin danda’amu. QBO haga ammaatti injifannoolee galmeessuu kan danda’e waan ABO jalatti ijaaramee tokkummaan qabsoo godheefi. Gaafa qabsoon kun lafaa ka’uu jalqabee jaarmayaa keenya laaffisuuf shirri keessaa fi alaa hedduun nu danqaa turan ummta keenya bal’aaf ifaa dha. ABO garuu jaaramuun humna tahuu waan beekuuf jaarmaa isaa tikfataa fi jabeessaa har’a gahe. Baroottan dabran qabsoo keenyaa fi jarmaayaa keenya ABO dadhabsiisuu fi dhabamsiisuuf shira xaxame maseensaa keessa baanee as geenye.
Injifannoolee haga ammaatti QBO galmeesse jabeeffataa kan nu hafan harkaa gahachuuf, qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo daran humna amansiisaa tahuu isaa mirkaneessuuf jabaannee socho’uu nu barbaachisa. Kana godhuuf ammoo qab-soon daran finiinsuu fi of qopheessuutu nurraa eegama. Bara 2021 keessa dirqamni ulfaataan nu eeggatu jaarmayaa harkaa qabnu cimsataa fi jabeessaa, ummatni keenya daran akka ijaaramuu fi mirga isaa harka galfatuuf yoom illee caalaa onneen akka socho’u hojjachuun dha.
Haalli Oromiyaa fi waliigala Ethiopia rakkoo diinagdee, hawaasummaa, siyaasaa fi nageenyaan yeroo kamuu caalaa yaaddeessaa ta’ee waan jiruuf, filmaati karaa nagaa dorgomanii dimokraasiin sagalee ummataa dhugoomsuun abdachiisaa waan hin taaneef lammiileen Oromiyaa mootummaa Cee’umsa biyyooleessa Oromiyaaf qabsaawuun Oromiyaa irratti mootummaan cee‘umsaa nageenya amansiisaa buusuu daddaffiin ijaaramee nagaa fi qabanni dursa ummataaf argamsiisuun dhaabotiin siyaasaa gara filmaata haqaatti deemuun murteessaa ta’uu ABOn itti amana kanaafis ni qabsaaya
Dhaabni keessan ABOn qabsoo karaa nagaa gaggeeffamu keessatti qooda fudhachuun Oromiyaa fi ummattoota Oromi-yaa keessa jiraatan walaba baasuun nagaa fi dimokiraasii guutuu biyyachatti fiduuf qabsoo haqaa itti fufuuf moo-tummaan cee’umsaa biyyoolessa Oromiyaa akka ijaaramuuf lammiilee Oromiyaa mara mirga dhabee qabsaawaa jiruuf dhaamsa dabarsa.
Qabsoon bilisummaa Oromoo milkaawee galii isaa gahuuf ummatni Oromoo tokkummaa isaa qabsoo irratti waliin wareegamuun, dantaa saba isaa waliin tikfatuun fi ijaarsa isaa ABO waliin cimsatee keessatti qooda lammummaa isaa jabeeffatuun murteessaa dha.
Nuti lammiileen Oromiyaa jireenya dhorkamnee, baqannee biyyaa baanee nagaa dhorkatamnee, lafti keenya barba baraan nu irraa sarbamee gurguramee lafa dhablee taanee, barannee hojii dhablee taanee waan jirruf furmaati nuuf jiru qabso keenya finiinsinee nagaa fi dimokiraasii akkasumsa walqixxummaa haqaa lammiilee Oromiyaa fi sabootaaf qabsaawuuf tokkummaan akka sossoonu waamicha kiyya gad jabeessee haaromsa.
Sabooti cunqurfamoon, dhaabotni mirkanaawuu mirga ummatootaaf qabsoo irra jirtan, humnooti dimokraasii fi kabajamuu mirga dhala namaaf dhaabbatan hundi garaa garummaa nu gidduu jiru waliif beeknee fi walii dandeenyee dimokrasii mirkaneessuu fi mirga ummataa dhugoomsuuf qabsoo irratti akka wal tumsinu ABO waamicha isinii dabarsa. Bara 2021 keessa Hundi keenya kanaaf kaanee fuula duratti haa sochoonu.
Barri bara milkii fi bara injifatnoo isinii haa ta’u.
Injifatnoon Ummata Bal’aaf!!
AMBO TV AMAJJI 1, 2021
Yeroo rakkoo keessa jiran halkan tokko iyyuu nama barii’uu didee ni dheerata. Haa tahu malee lafti barii’ee biiftuun bahuun waan hafu miti.Ummatni qabsoo irra jirus akkuma kana cinqii diinni irraan gahuun muddame guyyaa bilisa bahuee eegachaa ciniisfataa jiraata. Guyyaa guyyaan saamamuun, waxalamuun, hidhamuun, ajjeefamuu fi walii gala gidirfamuun guyyaan garbummaa jalatti dabarsu dheeraa tahee itti dhaga’ama. Waan hin dabarre hin jiru guyyaan cinqii kunis ni darba. Waan har’a keessa jirru dagannee kan dhaloota Oromoo boru bilisa tahuuf barbaachis yaaduu qabna. Daloota boruuf yoo yaadne malee kosiin akka OPDO yaada bareedaa kamuu hojii irra oolchitti jedhanii eegachuun abdii hin qabu.
Uummatni Oromoo bilisa akka tahu maal ragaa qabda namni naan jedhu hin dhibu taha. Ragaan gahaan bu’ureefamuu ABO it. Warri ABO bu’ureesse Ebla 15, 1980 harka diinatti kufanee namni kudha tokko boola tokkotti owwaalamanii jiru. Kaayyoo fi akeekni isaan Uummata Oromoof diriirsan kunoo bara baraan jiraataa jira. ABOn kaayyoo fi akeeka bilisummaa malee ijaarsa qofaa miti. Umurii koo kana keessa ijaarsonni Habashaa meeqa ijaaramanii meeqa akka badan argeera. Mootummaan Habashaa warri ABO balleessuuf agama ture tokko lamaan wal duraa booda yaroo badan argaa jirra. Kan godhanii darban yoo jiraate ilmaan Oromoo qaroo tahan ajjeessanii darbuu dha. ABO ijaarsaa achi afuura kaayyoo fi akeeka bilisuummaa waan taheef baduu hin dandeenye. Baduu hin danda’us.
Mootummaan Haayile Silaasee, Mengistuu Haayile Mariyaam, Malasaa Zenawii, Haayilee Mariyaam Dasaleenyi hunduu utuu ABO balleessuu carabaa jiranii of badan. Har’as Mootummaan Kononeel ABiyi hallayyaa gubbaa dhaabbatee ABO balleessuuf falmaa jira. Tasa hin milka’u. Kononeel Abiyitu bada malee ABO baduu hin danda’u. Namni ABO balleessuu danda’u nama Uummata Oromoo balleessuu danda’u qofa. Uummata Oromoo guddaa kana miti uummta lakkoobsaan xiqqaa tahe iyyuu balleessuun hin danda’amu. ABO balleessuuf namonnii sammuun dudaa akka OPDO ilmaan Oromoo ajjeesaa olu.
Mee waan Opdoo dhiise gara yaada koo olitti kaasee haa deebi’u. Hooggantoonni Seera Gamtaa Tokko Ameerikaa(United States America constitution) gaafa duraa bu’ureessaan baayyee qara waan tahaniif fageessanii ilaaluudhan seeraa baayyee jabaataa tahee bu’uran. Utuu seerri sun hin jiraanee Donald Trump prezedaantiin Ameerikaa har’a jiru kun akkuma hiriyootaa isaa Mootota Afrikaa abbaa ire taha ture. Karaa danda’e maraan faallaa adda Mootummaa Ameerikaa isaa dura turanii dhaabbachuu barbaada. Filmaata godhame irrattis mo’amuu isaa fudhachuu didaa jira. Yaroo 46 mana seerattii akka filmaata kana mormuun iyyaata dhiyeefatee fudhatama tokko utuu hin argatiin jira. Abbootii seera kan baayyee isaanii isatu muddee. Seera lafa sanaaf malee isaaf dantaa isaa tiksuuf dirqama hin qaban. Amma ammaas mo’ameera jechuu hin fedhu. Garuu akka seerri Ameerikaa itti Amajii 21, 2021 warri nagaa eegu morma iaa qabee mana mootummaa (White House) keessa gadi isa baasee karaa itti agarisiisa. Maaliif yoo jenne seera isaanitu bu’ura tolee jira.
OPDOn Uummatni Oromoo ilmaan isaa kumaataman itti aarsaa godhee mootummaa kenneef Nafxanyootaaf dabarsitee laachuudhaan badii Gaanfa Afrikaa hundaa mudachaa jiruuf itti gaafatama duraa fudhachuu qabdi. Erga gara aangoo dhuftee Uummata Oromoo tajaajiluu dhiftee Uummata Oromoo daraaraa jirti. Qabeenya uummata keenyaa saamamuu fi barbadeessuun kan durii caalaa itti fufee jira. Hidhaa, ajjeechaa fi gidiraa adda addaa uummata keenya irratti raawwatamu dangaa dhabeera. Komandii postiin buluun hiree Uummata Oromoo tahee jira. Mana keessaa baasanii ajjeesanii binseesaa darbun, mana hidhaa keessaaa baasanii ajjeessanii alaattiin laachuun hojii OPDO isa duraa taheera. Eessaa gahuuf deemuu? Uuummatni kun haalla kanaan jaalatee yookan sodaatee nuuf bula jedhanii yaaduu? Maaliif seenaa isaanii darbe irraa hin baratan?
Aangoo irra kan turan dimmaa yaroo ittiif malee waan jabina isaanii ilaalu miti. Kanaafuu dhalootni boruu Oromiyaa bilsoomtees tahe federaala keessatti mataa isheen of bulchitu jalatti afaan hojii fi barumsaa kan ilaalu maal gochuu akka qabu yaada kanaa gadii dhiyeessuun fedha:
- Afaan Oromoo:
Ijoolleen afaan dubbachuuf afaan banateen barachuun baruumsa irratti gargaarsa guddaa qaba. Kanaafuu ijoolleen Oromoo Afaan Oromoon qofa barumsa eegaluu qabdi. Akkuma kana afaan Hojii Oromiyaa guutuu keessatti afaan Oromoo tahuun dirqii dha.
- Afaan Inglizii:
Afaan lamaffaa iittiin baratamuu qabu afaan Inglizii yoo tahe mishooma hedduu qaba. Afaan Inglizii, afaan saayinsii, afaan teknoologii, afaan diploomasii fi afaan biyyi lafaa ittiin wal quunnamuu waan taheef bu’aa guddaa qaba. Hojiifis Afaan Inglizii yoo filatnee namoota baratanii dinagdee biyya keenyaaf bu’aa kennuu danda’an hojjechiifachuu dandeenya. Kana malee biyyootaa fi Warshaa hoomishaaf (investment) biyyaa keenya dhufuu barbaadan ni hawwata.
Karaa biraa abbaan barbaade biyya Oromoo keessatti Afaan Oromoo dirqiin dubbachuu yookan barachuu hin qabu. Garuu Mootummaan tajaajila afaan biraa hin keennuuf. Biyya Oromoo keessatti hojii uuummata tajaajiluuf sarmaa argachuuf hojiin hojjetamuu afaan Oromoon tahuu qaba.
- Afaan Biraa:
Afaan kam iyyuu barachuun rakkina hin qabu. Barumsa gulantaa lammaafaa ol ijoollee Oromoo fedhii isaaniin Afaan barbaadan barachuu danda’u. Gara fuula duraa qophinni afaanii yoo godhame Afaan Siwaalii, Afaan Somalee, Afaan Arabaa fi Gi’ezii biratti afaan Farasaayii fi Chaayina yoo kennaman gaarii dha.
Waan beekamuu qabu Afaan Amhaaraa fi aadan Amhaaraa marxoo garbummaa mataa keenya irratti marannee deemnu waan taheef jireenya keessa baafnnee gatuu qabna. Afaan Amharaa dubbachuu fi ittiin hojjechuun mallattoo garbummaa ti. Amhaarri afaan isaa fi aadaa isaa biyya lafaa fudhachiisuuf kutatee ka’ee jira. Maqaa Amantiin lafni Oromoo saamame hunduu harkaa sarbamuu qaba. Gaafa manni Ammanataa Oromoo Ortodoksii Siniddos akka dhaabbatu yaadiin ka’e Uummatni Oromoo bilisummaaf akka dhiyaate abdii irra darbee akka dhugoome mirkannaa jira. Kana booda karaan nafxanyoonni Uummata Oromoo dogongorsu danda’an cufameera.
Qabsoo Uummatni Oromoo godhu caalaa OPDOn funyoo mormatti of martee of fanisaa jirti. Uummatni Oromoo biyya keessaa fi ala harka wal qabatee WBO jajjabeessaa wajjiin gara fuula duraa tarkaanfachuu qabna. Guyyaan bilisummaa faagoo hin jiru. OPDOn gatatni maqaa Oromoon daldaltuu amma har’a ilmaan Oromoo ajjeessuun ABO ajjeessuu akka hin taane hubachuu qabdi ture.
Admin -April 13, 2020121 million Chinese died of coronavirus – US intelligence officials intercept data By James Alami (Web Archive) — A new data intercepted by the United States…Read moreAfaan Oromoo
Admin -September 4, 20196Book: የተጠለፈ ትግል (The hijacked revolution) in PDF Via Aba Orma, September 3, 2019 የተጠለፈ ትግል (The hijacked revolution) Author: Mudhin Siraj Pages: 152 Language: Amharic Year: July 2019 To…Read moreAfaan Oromoo
Admin -July 4, 20201ODUU AMMA NU GAHE! – Oduu Injifannoo Wbo Adooleessa 4, 2020 Baga Gammadan Baga Gammannee! Wbon Gumaa Ilmaan Oromoo Baasuu itti fufeera! Guyyaa har’aa Lola Cimaa Zoonii Lixaa, Zoonii…Read more
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Afaan Oromoo Afaanota Gurguddoo Addunyaa 109 tti makamee tajaajila kennuu jalqabuuf Jechootni English Miliyoona 1 fi isaa ol Afaan Oromootti yoo hiikamanii dha. Kana milkeessuf Namni Jechaa fi Hima Afaan English gara Afaan oromootti hiikuu danda’u kamuu irratti hirmaachuu ni danda’a. kanaaf immoo dhaabbanni Google haala mijeessee jira.
Afaan Oromoo tarree Afaanota gurguddatanii hiriirsun hojii namoota muraasaa miti, ykn kan dhaabbata tokkoo miti. Dhimmichi Nama afaan kana haasayu hunda ilaallata. kanaafuu ni dandeenya yoo ta’e hiikkaa isaa irratti hirmaachuu, hin dandeenyu yoo ta’e kanneen hiikaman gulaaluu irratti hirmaachuu, kanaas hin dandeenyu yoo ta’e xiqqaatu waamicha akkanaa miidiyaalee hawaasa faayyadamnu irratti share taasisun nurra jiraata.
Hiikkaa Google Afaan Oromoo irratti hirmaachuuf:
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ከጅግጅጋ የክልሉ ዋና ከተማ ውጭ በኢትዮጵያ ሶማሌ ክልል ሜዳዎች ላይ
በ Zecharias ዘላለም
ታህሳስ 22 ቀን 2020
አንድ ኢትዮጵያዊ-አሜሪካዊ ባለሀብት እና አጋሮቻቸው የኢትዮጵያን የረጅም ጊዜ ምኞት የራሷን የዘይት እና ጋዝ ኢንዱስትሪ ለመገንባት እና ከኃይል ነፃ ሊሆኑ የሚችሉትን ኢፍትሃዊ በሆነ መንገድ ሊጠቀሙበት የሚችሉትን የተራቀቀ እቅድ ለማውጣት አፋፍ ላይ ናቸው ፡፡
የቨርጂኒያ ነዋሪ የሆነው የግሪን ኮም ቴክኖሎጅስ ዋና ሥራ አስፈፃሚ የ 48 ዓመቱ አቶ ነብዩ ጌታቸው ከ 3.9 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ወጪ ከኢትዮጵያ የማዕድንና ነዳጅ ሚኒስቴር ጋር በነዳጅ ሀብታም በሆነው የሶማሌ ክልል የነዳጅ ማጣሪያን ለመገንባት እ.ኤ.አ.
ነገር ግን ቼኮች ግሪን ኮም ኮም ቴክኖሎጂስ እና ዋና ሥራ አስፈፃሚዎቹ በዚህ ዋና ፕሮጀክት ላይ ለመውሰድ የሚያስችል ብቃት ወይም ልምድ እንዳላቸው የሚያሳዩ አነስተኛ ማስረጃዎችን ያሳያል ፡፡ ኩባንያው የታወቀ የኢንዱስትሪ ማስረጃ የለውም እና በሁለት ጊዜያት ከቨርጂኒያ የኮርፖሬት የውሂብ ጎታ ተወስዷል ፣ ምናልባትም የኩባንያውን የምዝገባ ክፍያ በወቅቱ ባለመክፈሉ ፡፡
አንድ መረጃ ሰጭ በግሪን ኮም እና በኢትዮጵያ የነዳጅ ሚኒስቴር መካከል በተፈፀመው ስምምነት ላይ በርካታ ግድፈቶችን ከሰነዘረ በኋላ ወደ ኳርትዝ አፍሪካ ቀረበ ፡፡
በሚኒስቴር መስሪያ ቤቱ እና በግሪን ኮም መካከል ሊሰራ የታቀደው ትብብር በርካታ ግድፈቶችን ከሰነዘረ በኋላ ስለ ኢትዮጵያ የነዳጅ እና ጋዝ ኢንዱስትሪ ሰፊ ዕውቀት ያለው አንድ የመንግስት መረጃ ሰጭ ወደ ኳርትዝ አፍሪካ ቀረበ ፡፡
ቀጥሎም በኳርትዝ አፍሪካ የተደረገው ምርመራ ኩባንያው እራሱን እንደ ኢነርጂ ኢንዱስትሪ መሪ አድርጎ ለማሳየት በርካታ የተሳሳቱ የይገባኛል ጥያቄዎችን ሲያቀርብ ተገኝቷል ፡፡ በተጨማሪም ኩባንያው እ.ኤ.አ. ኤፕሪል 28 ስምምነት ሲፈራረም በኖቬምበር 2019 ውስጥ የድርጅታዊ ደረጃውን ያጣው በዚህ ዓመት በመስከረም ወር እንደገና ወደነበረበት እንዲመለስ የተደረገው ውጤታማ ባልነበረ ነበር ፡፡
ፕሮጀክቱ ከምድር እንደሚወጣና ስምምነቱ የኢትዮጵያን የዘይት ማውጣት ዕቅዶች ሊያከሽፍ እና ምናልባትም በአፍሪካ ቀንድ ውስጥ ከፍተኛ የገንዘብ ኪሳራ ሊያደርስበት እንደሚችል ግልጽ አይደለም ፡፡
የግሪንኮም ቴክኖሎጂዎች ማያ ገጽ ይያዙ
የግሪን ኮም ቴክኖሎጅዎች ቅጽበታዊ ገጽ እይታ “ከቡድኑ ጋር ይተዋወቁ” ድር ጣቢያ። ዋና ሥራ አስፈፃሚ አቶ ነብዩ ጌታቸው እና የ COO ዋረን ነግሪን ያሳያል
ኢትዮጵያ በአስርተ ዓመታት ውስጥ በአብዛኛው በሀገሪቱ ምስራቅ የሚገኙትን እስከ 8 ትሪሊዮን ኪዩቢክ ሊትር የዘይት ዘይት ክምችት የሚገመት እጅግ ብዙ የሃይድሮካርቦን ሀብቶችን ለመበዝበዝ ስትሞክር ቆይታለች ፡፡ ነገር ግን የማውጣት ተስፋ ብዙ ችግሮች አጋጥመውታል ፣ ከእነዚህም መካከል በሀገሪቱ በዘይት የበለፀገ የሶማሌ ክልል ከ 1980 ዎቹ ጀምሮ በርካታ የታጠቁ አማጽያን መኖሪያ ነው ፡፡
ከቅርብ ዓመታት ወዲህ በክልሉ የሚነሱ ሁከቶች ከቀዘቀዙ በኋላ ግን ደካማ አስተዳደር ፣ አጠያያቂ የሆኑ ከውጭ ነዳጅ ኩባንያዎች ጋር የተደረጉ ስምምነቶች እና ሙስናም እንዲሁ የኢትዮጵያን የማውጣት ፍላጎት እንቅፋት ሆኗል ፡፡ አገሪቱ የሀገሪቱን ኢኮኖሚ እንደገና ለማደስ ተዘጋጅቷል ተብሎ ሲታሰብ የቆየውን የዘይት ሀብቷን በቁም ነገር አልተጠቀመችም ፡፡
የደንብ ማስከበር እና ደካማ የማጣራት ዘዴ ባለመኖሩ የኢትዮጵያ የማዕድንና የነዳጅ ዘርፎች በአለም አቀፍ ነጋዴዎች አጠያያቂ በሆነ ዕውቀት መጠቀማቸው ተመልክቷል ፡፡
December 26, 2020
Addis Ababa University (AAU) graduates 4,087 students, who are able to conclude their courses in different fields of study, returned from COVID-19 break, on Saturday, 26th December 2020.
According to the information from the Registrar, 804 students (including specializations) in Postgraduate and 3,283 candidates in Undergraduate programs will graduate, of which (35.53%) are women.
It is known that the University graduated 5,742 students with virtually held commencement on 25th July 2020. Hence, AAU’s 2019/20 graduates’ total is more than 10,000.
The University congrats all graduates, families, and academic staff. Obsa Abdisa and other oromo student were supposed to be among these graduates. But unfortunately the Ethiopian government denied them to be graduated with their batch, they are still in custody. The university never mentioned and stand for justice in protecting the right of it’s student.
26 ديسمبر، 2020
أفادت مصادر عسكرية سودانية، في ساعة مبكرة من صباح الجمعة، إن الجيش السوداني سيطر على كافة أراضيه في منطقة الفشقة المتاخمة لمدينة عبد الرافع الإثيوبية الحدودية.
وأكدت المصادر لموقع “الشرق نيوز”، أن مدينة عبد الرافع الإثيوبية الحدودية، ذات الأغلبية الأمهرية، “أصبحت شبه خالية من السكان”.
وفي السياق، قالت مصادر عسكرية لصحيفة “سودان تربيون”، إن وحدات من الجيش السوداني احتشدت شرق منطقة “ود عاروض” فيما دفعت المليشيات الاثيوبية المسلحة والقوات الأخرى بتعزيزات عسكرية وناقلات جند ومدفعية غرب منطقة “عبد الرافع” المتاخمة للحدود المشتركة.
وأضافت “تفصل القوات الاثيوبية عن الجيش السوداني نحو 3 كيلومترات فقط”.
وأشارت المصادر غلى أن “الوضع العسكري الميداني ينذر بمواجهة محتملة بعد أن تصدى الجيش السوداني يوم الأربعاء، لهجمات المليشيات المدعومة من الجيش الإثيوبي التي استهدفت جبل أبو طيور وأجبرتها على الفرار”.
وتشهد المناطق الحدودية بين إثيوبيا والسودان مواجهات بين الجيش السوداني، وجماعات مسلحة إثيوبية، استولت على مناطق تتمسك الخرطوم بسيادتها عليها.
وثارت الخلافات العسكرية بين الطرفين بعد تعرض عناصر من الجيش السوداني لـ”كمين من القوات والميليشيات الإثيوبية”، أثناء عودتها من “تمشيط المنطقة حول جبل أبوطيور داخل الأراضي السودانية”، ما أسفر عن “خسائر في الأرواح والمعدات”.مقارنة بين الجيشين الإثيوبي والسوداني سبوتنيك
December 26, 2020
Sudanese military sources said, in the early hours of Friday morning, that the Sudanese army had taken control of all its territory in the Al-Fashaqa area, adjacent to the Ethiopian border town of Abd al-Rafia.
The sources confirmed to “Al Sharq News”, that the Ethiopian border town of Abd al-Rafi`, which has an Amharic majority, “has become almost empty of residents.”
In the context, military sources told the “Sudan Tribune” newspaper that units of the Sudanese army gathered east of the “Wad Arad” area, while the armed Ethiopian militias and other forces pushed military reinforcements, troop carriers and artillery west of the “Abd al-Rafia” area adjacent to the common border.
She added, “Ethiopian forces separate from the Sudanese army only about 3 kilometers.”
The sources pointed out that “the field military situation warns of a possible confrontation after the Sudanese army responded on Wednesday to the attacks of the militias supported by the Ethiopian army that targeted Mount Abu Birds and forced them to flee.”
The border areas between Ethiopia and Sudan are witnessing confrontations between the Sudanese army and Ethiopian armed groups, who have seized areas over which Khartoum maintains its sovereignty.
Military disputes arose between the two sides after Sudanese army elements were ambushed by the Ethiopian forces and militias, while they were returning from “combing the area around Mount Abutiour inside Sudanese territory,” which resulted in “loss of life and equipment
Witnesses report knife and gun attacks and children shot by armed men after PM warning over continuing ethnic conflicts More than 207 people have been killed in Ethiopia’s western region of Benishangul-Gumuz, in Metekel Zone the place where mostly Oromo were e living the latest massacre along ethnic lines in the country. Witnesses and officials said that at least 207 people were killed in the attack early on Wednesday in the Metekel zone.
The attack occurred a day after the prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, visited the region and spoke about the need to bring to justice those responsible for the recent attacks.
The attacks are separate from the deadly conflict in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region where Ethiopian forces and allied regional forces began fighting Tigray regional forces early November.
If Ethiopia descends into chaos, it could take the Horn of Africa with it
Federal troops deployed in other regions of Africa’s second-most populous nation were deployed to fight in that conflict, raising fears of a security vacuum.
Even before the Tigray war erupted last month, Abiy’s government had been grappling with rising insecurity in many parts of the country. Violence between groups fighting over land and other resources has forced many hundreds of thousands of people to flee their homes following Abiy taking office in 2018, according to UN estimates.
Ethnic tensions are a big challenge as Abiy tries to promote national unity in a country with more than 80 ethnic groups.
Belay Wajera, a farmer in the western town of Bulen, told Reuters he counted 82 bodies in a field near his home after the dawn attack on Wednesday. He and his family awoke to the sound of gunshots and ran out of their home as men shouted “catch them”, he said. His wife and five of his children were shot dead; he was shot in the buttocks, while four other children escaped and are now missing.
Another resident of the town, Hassen Yimama, said armed men stormed the area at about 6am (0300 GMT). He told Reuters that he counted 20 bodies in a different location. He grabbed his own weapon but assailants shot him in the stomach.
A local medic said he and colleagues had treated 38 injured people, most suffering from gunshot wounds. Patients had told him of relatives killed with knives, and gunmen who set houses on fire and shot at people trying to escape, he said.
“We weren’t prepared for this and we are out of medicine,” a nurse at the same facility told Reuters, adding that a five-year-old child had died while being transferred to the clinic.
‘Slaughtered like chickens’: Eritrea heavily involved in Tigray conflict, say eyewitnesses
The attack came the day after the prime minister and the military’s chief of staff, Birhanu Jula, and other senior federal officials, visited the region to urge calm after a number of deadly incidents between rival ethnic groups in recent months. The most recent previous attack in the area was on 14 November, when gunmen targeted a bus and killed 34 Oromo people.
“The desire by enemies to divide Ethiopia along ethnic and religious lines still exists. This desire will remain unfulfilled,” Abiy tweeted on Tuesday along with photographs of his meetings that day in the town of Metekel. But this all dividing is the product of his failure leadership as many of the residents testify. They fear for existance of there life in Abiy primiership. Yet He said residents voiced a wish for peace and that the sentiment “outweighs any divisive agenda”.
Today The prime minister Abiy tweet that ” The massacre of civilians in Benishangul Gumuz is a tragedy. I am deeply saddened by the inhumane treatment of our people. Our efforts to solve the problem in various ways have not yielded the desired results.
The goal of our enemies is to disperse the powerful forces we wield against Junta. This will not work. The government has taken the necessary steps to address the root causes.
I urge all of us to work as hard as we can to achieve the desired results.”
Finally all political leaders and opposite and rebelious bodies must come into table and all inclusive dialogue must be held at all level for the sake of peace and security of the people and to solve the problem from his root.
የተባበሩት መንግስታት መብቶች ሃላፊ ለሳምንታት የዘለቀው ግጭት የጦር ወንጀሎችን ሊያስከትሉ ከሚችሉ ከብዙ “አስደንጋጭ” የሰብአዊ መብቶች ጥሰቶች አንዱ ነው ”ብለዋል ፡፡ሁለቱም ተፋላሚ ወገኖች ኃይሎቻቸው በትግራይ ውስጥ ግፍ መፈጸማቸውን ይክዳሉ [UNHCR / UNTV በሮይተርስ]22 ዲሴምበር 2020
የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት የተባበሩት መንግስታት የመብት ተሟጋች የጦር ወንጀሎችን ሊያስከትሉ ከሚችሉ “አስደንጋጭ” የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶች አንዱ መሆኑን በመግለጽ በኢትዮጵያ ትግራይ ውስጥ የጅምላ ግድያ ጨምሮ የተከሰሱ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ለማጣራት በምድር ላይ ቡድን ለማቋቋም ጥረት እያደረገ ነው ፡፡
ወደ 950,000 የሚጠጉ ሰዎችን ከቀያቸው እንዲፈናቀሉ በተደረገ ግጭት የኢትዮጵያ ጦር በሰሜናዊው የትግራይ ክልል አመጸኞችን ከ 6 ሳምንታት በላይ ሲዋጋ ቆይቷል ፡፡
ከቅርብ ቀናት ወዲህ ለሰብአዊ ሰራተኞች ተደራሽነት የማይቻል ነበር እና የመብቶች ሰራተኞች አሁን ሪፖርቶችን ለማጣራት መሬት ላይ ለመድረስ እየፈለጉ ነው ፡፡
ሲቪሎች ሆን ብለው በተጋጭ አካል ወይም በተጋጭ ወገኖች ከተገደሉ እነዚህ ግድያዎች የጦር ወንጀሎች ይሆናሉ እናም ቀደም ሲል እንዳስቀመጥኩት ተጠያቂነትን ለማስፈን እና ፍትህን ለማረጋገጥ ገለልተኛ ፣ ገለልተኛ ፣ የተሟላ እና ግልጽነት ያላቸው ምርመራዎች ያስፈልጋሉ ፡፡ የተባበሩት መንግስታት የሰብአዊ መብት ሃላፊ ሚ Micheል ባችሌት ማክሰኞ ዕለት እዚያ የተከሰቱትን ክስተቶች “ልብ ሰባሪ” እና “አስደንጋጭ” ሲሉ ገልፀዋል ፡፡
ማይ ካድራ ግድያ
ከጠቀሰቻቸው ክስተቶች መካከል በሰሜን ምዕራብ ማይ ካድራ ከተማ ህዳር 9 ቀን በብዙ መቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ ሰዎች በተለይም አማራዎች መገደላቸው ነው ፡
በተጨማሪም በሕዝብ በተያዙ አካባቢዎች ላይ የመድፍ ጥቃቶችን ፣ ሆን ተብሎ በሰላማዊ ሰዎች ላይ ያነጣጠረ ጥቃት ፣ ያለፍርድ ግድያ እና ሰፊ ዘረፋን ጨምሮ ሌሎች ክስተቶችን ገልፃለች ፡፡
የተባበሩት መንግስታት መብቶች ጽህፈት ቤት ቃል አቀባይ ሊዝ ትሮውልል በኋላ ለጄኔቫ ቨርቹዋል ገለፃ መስሪያ ቤታቸው ከኢትዮ ያ መንግስት ጋር እየተወያየ መሆኑንና የመብት ጥሰቶችን በፍጥነት የሚያጣራ ቡድን ለማዘጋጀት ያለመ መሆኑን ተናግረዋል ፡፡
በግለሰቦች ላይ ግድያ ከተፈፀመባቸው አንዳንድ ክስተቶች መካከል ከአማራ አውራጃ በመጡ “ፋኖ” ታጣቂዎች ላይ ተጠያቂ መሆናቸውን ከመንግስት ጋር የተዛመደ ነው ብለዋል ፡፡
የሮይተርስ የዜና ወኪልም እንዲሁ ከተፈናቀሉ የትግራይ ተወላጆች ተመሳሳይ ዘገባዎችን ደርሷል ፡፡
ሆኖም በተባበሩት መንግስታት የተገኘው መረጃ በግጭቱ ውስጥ ያሉ ሁሉም ወገኖች የሚፈጸሙትን ጥሰቶች በተከታታይ አመልክታለች ፡፡
እስካሁን ድረስ የተባበሩት መንግስታት ሁኔታውን በርቀት እየተከታተለ ወደ ጎረቤት ሱዳን ከተሰደዱት በአስር ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ስደተኞችን የተወሰነ መረጃ አግኝቷል ፡፡
ሁለቱም ወገኖች ኃይሎቻቸው ግፍ መፈጸማቸውን ይክዳሉ ፣ በሰላማዊ ዜጎች ላይ ለተፈጸመው ግድያም ሌሎች ኃይሎችን ተጠያቂ ያደርጋሉ ፡፡
በአብዛኛዎቹ ግጭቶች የቴሌኮሙዩኒኬሽንስ ግንኙነቶች ተቋርጠው የነበሩ በመሆናቸው እና የክልሉን ተደራሽነት አጥብቆ ስለሚቆጣጠር በሁሉም ወገን ያሉ አካውንቶች ለማጣራት አስቸጋሪ ናቸው ፡፡ምንጭ – ሮይተርስ
በከተማዋ ዋና ሆስፒታል ዶክተር ከባድ የህክምና እጥረቶች ፣ የረሃብ ስጋት እና የተስፋፋ ፍርሃት አስገራሚ ዘገባ ያቀርባል ፡፡
የኢትዮጵያ ግጭት ‘በሰላማዊ ዜጎች ላይ አስከፊ ውጤት’ እንዳለው የተባበሩት መንግስታት የመብት ተሟጋች ተቆርጦ ወደ ተዘጋባቸው አካባቢዎች እንዲደርሱ ጠይቀዋል ፡፡ተጨማሪ ከዜና
© 2020 AMBO TV
Sababni isaa immoo Waraanni Eertiraa Uniform Milishaa Naannoo Amaaraa Uffatee Lola Sudaaniifi xoophiyaan Yeroo ammaa kana geggeessaa jirtu Keessatti gara xoophiyaa goruun sudaaniin haleelaa jiraachuu ishee erga mirkaneeffattee booda.
Taateen kun yeroo lammaffaadhaafis jedhameera. Haala amma deemaa jiruun Sudaan (kaartum) Sudaan kibbaa (Juba) Egypt(Cairo)’n Tigiraay (Maqaleen)Ifaan ifatti Garee (Alliance) tokko uumanii jiru.itti dabaluun Egypt mootummaa abbaa hirree Isaayyaas Awarqii wareegamni fedhe kaffalamee Aangoo irraa isaa kaasanii gaanfa Afrikaa balaa irraa oolchuun murteessaa akka ta’ellee itti dabaluun beeksistee jirti.Siyaasni Gaanfa Afrikaa wal xaxaa dhufee jira.
WASHINGTON, D.C. – Yestarday,December 18,2020 U.S. Senators Cory Booker (D-NJ) and Todd Young (R-IN), both members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, released the following statement regarding the recent conflict in Ethiopia:
“The conflict in Ethiopia remains far from over, despite Prime Minister Abiy’s claim that military operations are complete. We are deeply concerned by reports of Eritrean refugees in Tigray being killed, abducted and forcibly returned to Eritrea by Eritrean forces, as well as disturbing reports that some trying to reach safer areas are being prevented from leaving. The State Department has also reported that Eritrean soldiers are present in Tigray. The internationalization of this conflict poses a threat to U.S. interests in the strategic Red Sea region, and could drive the Horn of Africa into a protracted crisis from which it could take many years to recover and needlessly take thousands of lives.
“We join others from the international community who have urged Ethiopia’s federal government to abide by its commitment to grant security for humanitarian workers and full access to the 96,000 Eritrean refugees in Tigray, in addition to the over 2.3 million in children in need of humanitarian assistance. We also call for an independent investigation into these claims of forced return, and demand accountability for those who have violated international law. Refugees are among the most vulnerable populations on Earth – the international community must be there to protect them in their time of need. Finally, we extend our sincere condolences to the families of the humanitarian workers from the International Rescue Committee and the Danish Refugee Council who were killed in this conflict. We are deeply saddened by the untold number of lives taken by this needless conflict.
“In the face of continued violence against civilians, we remind all parties of their obligation to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure by following international humanitarian law (IHL), and we call on the Administration to engage the Government of Ethiopia, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and the region to end the violence and further human suffering, and consider targeted sanctions on any political or military officials found responsible for violations.”
The European Union delays almost €90 million in funds to Ethiopia over the Tigray conflict. The money will only be given if the federal government meet the EU’s conditions. Also, Facebook pulls the plug on rival French and Russian disinformation campaigns aiming to destabilise upcoming elections in Central African Republic. And could luxury fashion’s next big thing be Made in Senegal? We head to Dakar for a look at the emergence of upmarket local brands catering to a growing middle class.
11 Muddee 2020
Obbo Lidatu Ayyaaleewu hidhaa baatiiwwaniin booda wabii maallaqaatiin mana hidhaatii bahusaanii Dura taa’aan Paartii Dimokiraasummaa Itoophiyaanootaa Obbo Adaanaa Taaddasaa BBCtti himan.
Manni murtii Waliigalaa Oromiyaa dhaddacha bahaa kan magaalaa Adaamaatti argamu namni siyaasaa Obbo Lidatuu Ayyaalewu wabii qarshii 30,000n gadi dhiifamanii dhimma isaanii alaa akka hordofan murteessu abbookaatoon isaanii BBCtti himan.
Dhimmi isaani har’atti beellamamee kan ture himannaan heeraa fi sirna heeraa mootummaa diiguu jedhu amma dura irratti banamee ture fooyya’ee akka dhiyaatuuf ajaja kenne ilaaluuf ture jedhu abukaatoo Obbo Lidatuu keessaa tokko Obbo Abduljabbaar Huseen.
Abbootiin alangaa himannoo fooyya’e mana murtiif erga dhiyeessanii booda, abukaatonni falmii himannicharratti qaban dhageesisanii dabalataan Obbo Lidatuuf mirgi wabii akka eegamu gaafachuu himu Obbo Abduljabbaar.
Bu’uuruma kanaan manni murtii wabii qarshii 30,000 qabsiisanii dhimma isaanii alaa hordofuu akka danda’an murteessuu himu.
Abbootiin Alangaa akka kanaan duraa mirga wabii gaafatame hin mormine jedhan.
Ammatti maallaqa gaafatame kafalaa akka jiraniifi waaree booda naannoo sa’aa saddeetii gadi dhiifamu jedhanii akka eegan pireezidantiin Paartii Dimokiraatawaa Itoophiyaa Obbo Adaane Taaddese BBC’tti himaniiru.
Obbo Lidatuu Ayyaaleewu amma dura irra deddeebiin mirgi wabii eegamuufillee poolisiin gadi dhiisuu didaa ture.
Obbo Lidatuun Adoolessa darbe hokkora ajjeechaa artiist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa hordofee uumameen wal qabatee rakkoo magaalaa Bishooftuu keessatti uumameen shakkamuun ture to’annoo jala kan oolan.
Jalqaba hokkora magaalaa Bishooftuu keessa ture qindeessuu fi maallaqaan deeggaruun shakkamanii kan to’ataman yoo ta’u booda himati meeshaa seeraan alaa qabachuu jedhu irratti dhiyaateera.
Himata kanaan manni murtii mirga wabiin akka bahan erga murteesseen booda Onkoloolessa darbe poolisiin himannaa sanaan gadi dhiifamuu fi himannaa biraa heeraa fi sirna heeraa diiguu jedhuun to’annoo jala ooluu Obbo Lidatuu beeksisee ture.
ሞሮኮ በአሜሪካ የሽምግልና ስምምነት ከእስራኤል ጋር ግንኙነቷን መደበኛ እንደምትሆን ለማስታወቅ ዓለም ምን ምላሽ ሰጠ ፡፡
11 ዲሴምበር 2020
በአሜሪካ የሽምግልና ስምምነት ሞሮኮ ከእስራኤል ጋር ግንኙነቷን መደበኛ ለማድረግ መወሰኗ የተለያዩ ዓለም አቀፋዊ አስተያየቶችን አስገኝቷል ፡፡
ሐሙስ ሞሮኮ ከነሐሴ ወር ጀምሮ ከእስራኤል ጋር ግንኙነቷን መደበኛ ለማድረግ ያለመ ስምምነት የምታደርግ አራተኛ የአረብ ሀገር ሆናለች ፡፡ ሌሎቹ የተባበሩት አረብ ኤምሬቶች ፣ ባህሬን እና ሱዳን ነበሩ ፡፡
የስምምነቱ አካል የሆኑት የአሜሪካው ፕሬዝዳንት ዶናልድ ትራምፕ ከአስርተ ዓመታት በፊት ከአልጄሪያ ከሚደገፈው የፖሊሳሪዮ ግንባር ጋር ተፋጥጦ ራሱን የቻለ ለማቋቋም ከሚሞክረው የሞሮኮ ጋር ለአስርተ ዓመታት የቆየውን የምዕራብ ሳሃራን የበላይነት ዕውቅና ለመስጠት ተስማምተዋል ፡፡ ክልል ውስጥ ግዛት።
የአረብ አገራት እስራኤል እውቅና ከማግኘቷ በፊት ለፍልስጤም ግዛት መሬት ትሰጣለች የሚለውን የቆየ ጥያቄ በመተው የሰላም ጉዳይ ወደ ኋላ ተመልሰዋል ሲሉ ፍልስጤማውያን በመደበኛነት ስምምነቶችን ይተቻሉ ፡፡
የፍልስጤም ነፃ አውጪ ድርጅት ሥራ አስፈፃሚ ኮሚቴ አባል የሆኑት ባሳም አል ሳሊ ስምምነቱን አውግዘዋል ፡፡
አል-ሳልሂ “ማንኛውም አረብ ከ  አረብ የሰላም ኢኒሺዬሽን ፣ መደበኛነት የሚመጣው እስራኤል የፍልስጤምን እና የአረብ አገሮችን ወረራ ካጠናቀቀች በኋላ ብቻ ተቀባይነት የለውም ፣ እናም የእስራኤልን ጠብ አጫሪነት እና የፍልስጤምን ህዝብ መብቶች የመካድ ሁኔታ እንዲጨምር ያደርገዋል” ብለዋል ፡፡ .null
በጋዛ የሀማስ ቃል አቀባይ ሀዜም ቃሴም “ይህ ሀጢያት ስለሆነ የፍልስጤምን ህዝብ አያገለግልም ፡፡ የእስራኤል ወረራ በፍልስጤም ህዝብ ላይ የሚያደርሰውን ጥቃት ለመጨመር እና የሰፈራ መስፋፋቱን ለመጨመር እያንዳንዱን አዲስ መደበኛ አሰራር ይጠቀማል ፡፡https://players.brightcove.net/665003303001/A3nzcwywTg_default/index.html?videoId=6215450880001&playsinline=true
ከአከባቢው ሳህራዊ ህዝብ የተውጣጣው እና እ.ኤ.አ. ከ 1975 እስከ 1991 ድረስ ለነፃነት ጦርነት ያካሄደው ፖሊዛሪዮ ትራምፕን “በጠንካራ አነጋገር” ለሞሮኮ “የእርሱ ያልሆነውን” ለመስጠት ያደረጉትን ሙከራ አውግ condemnedል ፡፡
መግለጫው “የትራምፕ ውሳኔ የሰሃራ ጉዳይ ሕጋዊ ባህሪን አይለውጠውም ምክንያቱም ዓለም አቀፉ ማህበረሰብ በሞሮኮ በምዕራባዊ ሳሃራ ላይ ሉዓላዊነትን አይቀበልም” ብሏል ፡፡
የራስን ዕድል በራስ የመወሰን ህዝበ ውሳኔ የሚፈልገው ፖሊዛሪዮ በጎረቤቷ አልጄሪያ ድጋፍ የምታገኝ ሲሆን በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ የሳህራዊ ስደተኞችንም ተቀብላለች ፡፡null
ሞሮኮ ከተከራካሪ መሬት 80 በመቶውን ትቆጣጠራለች ፣ ፎስፌት ክምችት እና የዓሣ ማጥመጃ ውሃዎችን ጨምሮ ፡፡
የግብፅ ፕሬዝዳንት አብዱልፈታህ ኤል ሲሲ እ.ኤ.አ. ከ 1979 ጀምሮ ከእስራኤል ጋር በተደረገ የሰላም ስምምነት ሀገራቸው የተሳሰረች መሆኗን መግለጫው በደስታ ተቀበሉ ፡፡
በመካከለኛው ምስራቅ ውስጥ “የበለጠ መረጋጋት እና ቀጠናዊ ትብብርን ለማምጣት አስፈላጊ እርምጃ” ሲሉ ኤል-ሲሲ አድናቆታቸውን ገልጸዋል ፡፡
የስፔን የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር አራንቻ ጎንዛሌዝ ላያ ማስታወቂያውን በደስታ ቢቀበሉም ትራምፕ ለምዕራባዊ ሳሃራ የሞሮኮ ግዛት አካል መሆናቸው እውቅና አልተቀበሉም ፡፡null
ላያ እንዳሉት “በሞሮኮ እና በእስራኤል መካከል ያለውን ግንኙነት መደበኛነት በተመለከተ በቅርብ ሳምንታት የተከናወኑትን እያንዳንዱን መደበኛ ሁኔታ በደስታ ስንቀበል ያንን መደበኛነት በደስታ እንቀበላለን።
በእስራኤላውያንና በፍልስጤማውያን መካከል ሰላምን በተመለከተ አሁንም መፍትሄ የሚያገኝ ጉዳይ ነው ፡፡ እናም የምዕራባዊ ሰሃራ ጥያቄ አሁንም መፍትሄ ያገኛል። እናም በሁለቱም ሁኔታዎች የተባበሩት መንግስታት ውሳኔዎች እነዚያን ሁለት ጥያቄዎች ለመፍታት አንድ መንገድ መፈለግ እንዳለባቸው የስፔን አቋም በጣም ግልፅ ነው ብለዋል ፡፡
አገሪቱ አስተዳደራዊ ቁጥጥር በሞሮኮ እና በሞሪታኒያ የጋራ አስተዳደር እስከለቀችበት ጊዜ ድረስ እስፔን እስከ 1975 ድረስ በምዕራብ ሳሃራ የተቆጣጠረች ኃይል ነበረች ፡፡
አገሪቱ ከሰሃራዊ ሰዎች ጋር የጠበቀ ግንኙነት እንደነበራት እና ብዙ ተሟጋቾች ላለፉት ዓመታት በስፔን ተምረዋል ፡፡
ማስታወቂያው ከተጠናቀቀ በኋላ የተባበሩት መንግስታት በአወዛጋቢው የምዕራብ ሳሃራ ክልል ላይ ያለው አቋም “አልተለወጠም” ብሏል ፡፡
የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት ዋና ፀሃፊ አንቶኒዮ ጉቴሬዝ “በፀጥታው ም / ቤት ውሳኔዎች ላይ በመመስረት አሁንም ለጥያቄው መፍትሄ ሊገኝ ይችላል” ብለዋል ፡፡
የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት ሃላፊ ለሁለቱ ወገኖች ያስተላለፈው መልእክት “ውጥረትን የበለጠ ሊያባብሰው የሚችል ማንኛውንም እርምጃ ማስወገድ ነው” ብለዋል ቃል አቀባዩ ፡፡ምንጭ – አልጀዚራ እና የዜና ወኪሎች
The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) is deeply saddened to confirm the death of three colleagues in Tigray Region, Ethiopia last month. DRC’s humanitarian workers are at the forefront of the humanitarian imperative to provide assistance to those in need, and these colleagues – who worked as guards in one of our project sites – were an integral part of DRC’s work in Ethiopia. Sadly, due to the lack of communications and ongoing insecurity in the region, it has not yet been possible to reach their families. We will continue all efforts to reach them and ensure that they receive support.
The safety and security of our humanitarian workers is a top priority for DRC, and we are doing all we can to keep them safe in the current challenging circumstances. Our staff serve critical functions to deliver support to vulnerable populations in need. DRC urges all parties to respect international humanitarian law, including the protection of both civilians and humanitarian aid workers. We extend our heartfelt condolences to all those affected.
The United States has said it believes reports of Eritrean military involvement in the conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region are “credible.”
A spokesperson for the US State Department further called on any Eritrean soldiers there to pull out.
“We are aware of credible reports of Eritrean military involvement in Tigray and view this as a grave development. We urge that any such troops be withdrawn immediately,” the spokesperson said.
The State Department spokesperson also noted reports of human rights abuses in Tigray.
“We are also aware of reports of human rights violations and abuses in the region. All parties must respect human rights and international humanitarian law,” the spokesperson said.
“We and other international partners continue to urge an independent investigation of the reports and accountability for those found responsible.”
Ethiopia has denied Eritrea entered the conflict, though Abiy did say last week that some government troops retreated into Eritrea early in the conflict and were given assistance. Eritrea’s Foreign Minister Osman Saleh has called claims it entered the conflict “propaganda.”
The US government believing Eritrean soldiers had crossed into Ethiopian territory, according to Reuters, is effectively helping Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government battle a rebellious northern force.
Abiy won a Nobel Peace Prize last year for making peace with Eritrea, but the presence of Eritrean troops on Ethiopian soil would alarm Western allies and risk further inflaming the conflict.
Eritrea has for years faced accusations of large scale rights abuses, including jailing opponents and forcing citizens into lengthy military or government service. It accuses Western powers of smear campaigns and luring Eritreans abroad, which they deny.
Ethiopia hosts the African Union, its security services work with Western allies, and its troops serve in peacekeeping missions in South Sudan and Somalia.
Abiy and Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki signed a peace pact ending two decades of hostilities in 2018 and now regard the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) as a mutual foe.
Reuters, citing diplomatic sources, reported on Tuesday that Eritrean troops were believed to have entered Ethiopia in mid-November through three northern border towns: Zalambessa, Rama and Badme
አሜሪካ በትግራይ ክልል በተነሳው ግጭት የኤርትራ ወታደራዊ ተሳትፎ ዘገባዎች “እምነት የሚጣልባቸው ናቸው” ብላ ታምናለች ሲሉ የውጭ ጉዳይ መስሪያ ቤት ቃል አቀባይ ሀሙስ ሐሙስ ተናግረዋል ፡፡
ቃል አቀባዩ እዚያ ለሚገኙ ማናቸውም የኤርትራ ወታደሮች ወጣ ብለው እንዲወጡ ጥሪ አቅርበዋል ፡፡
“የኤርትራ ወታደራዊ ኃይል በትግራይ ውስጥ ጣልቃ መግባቱን የሚያረጋግጡ ዘገባዎችን አውቀን ይህንን እንደ ከባድ ልማት እንመለከተዋለን ፡፡ እንደዚህ ያሉ ወታደሮች በፍጥነት እንዲወጡ እናሳስባለን ሲሉ ቃል አቀባዩ ተናግረዋል ፡፡
የአሜሪካ መንግስት የኤርትራ ወታደሮች ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ክልል መሻገራቸውን በማመን ማክሰኞ ማክሰኞ ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ሪፖርት ያደረገው የኢትዮ Primeያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ አህመድ መንግስት አመፀኛውን የሰሜናዊ ኃይል ለመዋጋት ውጤታማ ነው ፡፡
አቢይ ባለፈው ዓመት ከኤርትራ ጋር ሰላም በመፍጠር የኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማትን ያገኘ ቢሆንም የኤርትራ ወታደሮች በኢትዮጵያ ምድር መገኘታቸው የምዕራባውያንን አጋሮች ያስደነግጣቸዋል እናም ግጭቱን የበለጠ ሊያባብስ ይችላል ፡፡
ኤርትራ ለዓመታት መጠነ ሰፊ የመብት ጥሰቶች ሲፈፀሙባት ነበር ፣ ተቃዋሚዎችን ወደ እስር ቤት ማሰር እና ዜጎችን ወደ ረዥም ወታደራዊ ወይም የመንግስት አገልግሎት ማስገደድ ጨምሮ ፡፡ ምዕራባዊያን ኃይሎችን በስም ማጥፋት ዘመቻ ይከሳቸዋል እንዲሁም በውጭ ያሉ ኤርትራዊያኖችን በማታለል ይካዳሉ ፡፡
ኢትዮጵያ የአፍሪካን ህብረት ታስተናግዳለች ፣ የፀጥታ አገልግሎቷ ከምዕራባውያን አጋሮች ጋር ትሰራለች ፣ ወታደሮ Southም በደቡብ ሱዳን እና በሶማሊያ በሰላም ማስከበር ተልዕኮዎች ያገለግላሉ ፡፡
የውጭ ጉዳይ መስሪያ ቤቱ ቃል አቀባይ በትግራይ ውስጥ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን አስመልክቶ የቀረቡ ዘገባዎችን ጠቅሰዋል ፡፡
“እኛ ደግሞ በክልሉ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰቶች እና የመብት ጥሰቶች የሚደርሱ ዘገባዎችን እናውቃለን ፡፡ ቃል አቀባዩ እንዳሉት ሁሉም ወገኖች የሰብዓዊ መብቶችን እና ዓለም አቀፍ የሰብዓዊ ሕጎችን ማክበር አለባቸው ፡፡
እኛ እና ሌሎች ዓለም አቀፍ አጋሮች በሪፖርቶች ላይ ገለልተኛ ምርመራ እንዲደረግ እና ተጠያቂ ለሆኑት ተጠያቂ እንዲሆኑ ማበረታታታችንን እንቀጥላለን ፡፡
ምንም እንኳን ዓብይ ባለፈው ሳምንት አንዳንድ የመንግስት ወታደሮች በግጭቱ መጀመሪያ ወደ ኤርትራ መመለሳቸውን እና እርዳታ እንደተሰጣቸውም ቢናገሩም ኢትዮጵያ ኤርትራ ወደ ግጭቱ እንዳትገባ ክዳለች ፡፡ የኤርትራ ውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር ኦስማን ሳሌህ ወደ ግጭቱ የገባውን የይገባኛል ጥያቄ “ፕሮፓጋንዳ” ብለውታል ፡፡
የሁሉም ወገኖች የይገባኛል ጥያቄዎች ለማጣራት የማይቻል ነው ምክንያቱም አብዛኛው ወደ ትግራይ የሚደረገው ግንኙነት ተቋርጧል ፣ እናም መንግስት መዳረሻውን በጥብቅ ይቆጣጠራል።
አብይ እና የኤርትራው ፕሬዝዳንት ኢሳያስ አፍወርቂ እ.ኤ.አ. በ 2018 ለሁለት አስርት ዓመታት ጠብ ያቆመ የሰላም ስምምነት የተፈራረሙ ሲሆን አሁን ደግሞ የህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ (ህወሃት) እንደ አንድ የጋራ ጠላት ነው ፡፡
ህወሃት ባለፈው ወር ውስጥ በርካታ የኤርትራ ወታደሮችን ገድያለሁ ፣ በቁጥጥር ስር አውሎኛል ቢልም ምንም ማስረጃ አላቀረበም ፡፡ በኤርትራ ውስጥ ቢያንስ አራት ጊዜ ሮኬቶችን እንደወረወረ የአሜሪካ ውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስቴር አስታወቀ ፡፡
ዲፕሎማሲያዊ ምንጮችን በመጥቀስ ሮይተርስ ማክሰኞ እንደዘገበው የኤርትራ ወታደሮች በኖቬምበር አጋማሽ በሶስት የሰሜን አዋሳኝ ከተሞች ዛላምበሳ ፣ ራማ እና ባድሜ በኩል ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ገብተዋል ተብሎ ይታመናል ፡፡
የቀድሞው የኤርትራ መከላከያ ሚኒስትር አቶ ኢሳያስን ያፈረሱት የቀድሞ የኤርትራ መከላከያ ሚኒስትር መስፍን ሀጎስ በበኩላቸው ኤርትራዊያኑ አራት ሜካናይዝድ ክፍሎች ፣ ሰባት እግረኛ ክፍሎች እና አንድ ኮማንዶ ብርጌድ በመላክ እንደገለጹት የመከላከያ ሚኒስትሩ ፣ የተቃዋሚ እና የግል ግንኙነቶች ምንጮችን ጠቅሰዋል ፡፡
በሞያሌ ውስጥ መንሸራተት የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩን የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግንባርን በሕገ-ወጥ መንገድ የመያዝ ፍላጎት እንዳለው ያሳያል ፣ ይህ ደግሞ ብዙ ኦሮሞችን ወደ ትጥቅ ተቃውሞ ሊገፋ ይችላል ፡፡ ያ የሥራ ጊዜውን ያደናቅፍ ይሆናል እናም በመጨረሻም የኢትዮጵያን ግዛት መበታተን ሊያበስር ይችላል ፡፡
እ.ኤ.አ. ታህሳስ 9 (እ.አ.አ.) የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐብይ አህመድ (ዶ / ር) የኦሮሞን ነፃነት ግንባር (ኦነግን) ለማስወገድ ጥሪ አቀረቡ ፣ የኢትዮጵያን ግዛት እንደገና ለማብራራት ቀጣዩ ትልቅ እርምጃውን ያመለክታሉ ፡፡ በሁለቱ አገራት መካከል ያለውን የንግድ ልውውጥ ለማሳደግ የአንድ ጊዜ የድንበር ምሰሶ በተመረቀበት ወቅት ከኬንያው ፕሬዝዳንት ኡሁሩ ኬንያታ ጋር በጋራ ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ ወቅት አቢይ አደገኛ ጥያቄ አቀረበ ፡፡
ያልተወራረደ ታዳሚውን “አልሸባብን እና ኦነግን ከዚህ ክልል ማስወገድ ከቻልን እነዚህ ሰዎች እንዴት ወደ አንድ ቤተሰብ ፣ አንድ ሀገር ፣ አንድ ህዝብ በታላቅ ደስታ እና ትብብር ሊለወጡ እንደሚችሉ ማየት ትችላላችሁ” ብለዋል ፡፡
በእውነቱ እና በተሞከረበት የአብይ ፋሽን ወደ አፋን ኦሮሞ ሲዘዋወር ኦነግን ለማጥፋት ፈንጂ ጥሪውን ትቶ ነበር – የኦነግን ንቃተ ህሊና የተቀዳ እና የኦሮሞ ብሄር ልምዶችን የኖረ የቫንቫር ድርጅት ፡፡ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ስለ አንድ ነገር የተለያዩ ነገሮችን ለተለያዩ አድማጮች በመናገራቸው በድርብ ንግግራቸው ታዋቂ ናቸው ፡፡ ባልተጠበቀ ሁኔታ አስተያየቱ የአብይን የኦሮፖብቢክ ደጋፊዎችን ያስደሰተ ቢሆንም የእርሱ እውነተኛ ዓላማዎች ምናልባትም ሳይታወቅ ይፋ የተደረገው ብዙም አስገራሚ አልነበረም ፡፡
ዐብይ ገና ለጀመረው አደገኛ ጦርነት ሳያውቅ በድሉ ላይ ይገኛል። በኤርትራ የተደገፈው ወታደራዊ ዘመቻ በህዝባዊ ወያነ ሃርነት ትግራይ (ህወሓት) ላይ ገና አልተጠናቀቀም ነገር ግን ለቡድኑ ከፍተኛ ጉዳት ደርሷል ፡፡ ዓብይ በጦርነቱ እቅድ እና አፈፃፀም ውስጥ በኤርትራ ንቁ ተሳትፎ እንዲሁም ምናልባትም ከሁሉም ይበልጥ የተባበሩት አረብ ኤምሬትስ በራሪ አውሮፕላኖች ተሳትፈዋል በሚል ውጊያው ያሸነፈ ይመስላል ፡፡
አሁን ትኩረቱን ወደ ደቡብ ወደ ሌላ ወደ ጥፋት የፖለቲካ ውጥንቅጥ እያዞረ ነው የኦሮሞ ተቃዋሚዎች ፡፡ የአብይ አስተዳደር በምትወለድበት ኦሮሚያ ውስጥ ማንኛውንም ጠቃሚ ተቃዋሚዎችን ለማፍረስ የጀመረው ዘመቻ ከሁለት ዓመት በላይ እንደቀጠለ ነው ፡፡ በአስር የሚቆጠሩ የኦሮሞ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ ደጋፊዎች እና አመራሮች ትንኮሳ ፣ ማስፈራራት ፣ እስራት የተደረገባቸው ሲሆን የተወሰኑት ለፖለቲካ ትርኢት ሙከራ እየተዳረጉ ነው
ዓብይ ለኦነግ የተናገረው – በሕጋዊነት የተመዘገበ ፓርቲ በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ መካከል ከፍተኛ ድጋፍ ያለው – በዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ ተቀባይነት ካለው አሸባሪ ድርጅት አልሻባብ ጋር በተመሳሳይ ትንፋሽ ከኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ግንባር (ኢሕአፓ) የመጫወቻ መጽሐፍ ወጥቷል ፡፡ ህወሃት የበላይነቱን የያዘው ኢህአዲግ የሽብርተኝነትን ንግግር በመጠቀም ኦነግን እና መንስኤዎቹን ከህግ አግባብ ውጭ በማድረግ ከአልሸባብ ፣ ከቦኮሃራም እና ከሌሎች አሸባሪ ድርጅቶች ጋር በማወዳደር ተጠቅሞበታል ፡፡ የሰጡት መግለጫ በቅርቡ በኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ውስጥ የተከሰቱት ለውጦች ምንነት እና የኦሮሞ ተወላጅ በኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ውስጥ ስላለው አቋም እጅግ የከበደ ክርክርን ዳግም አስተካክሏል ፡፡
አቢይ የኦሮሞን የኢህአፓ ክንፍ ወክሎ በኦሮሞ ተቃውሞ በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርነት ቦታ ተደናግጧል ፡፡ ብዙዎች ይህንን የኦሮሞን መገለል በኢትዮጵያ መቋረጡን የሚያረጋግጥ አስገራሚ ለውጥ አድርገው ይመለከቱት ነበር ፡፡ ሆኖም ባለፉት ሁለት ዓመታት በኦሮምያ ያለው የሰብአዊ መብት ሁኔታ እና በመላ ክልሉ ለተቃዋሚዎቻቸው የደረሰው በደል እና የከባድ እጅ አያያዝ በአጠቃላይ የኦሮሞው አቋም መባባሱን ያሳያል ፡፡
በአብይ ዘመን ኦሮሞዎች ከፍተኛ ጭቆና እና ከባድ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶች አጋጥመውታል ፡፡ በግንቦት ወር አምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል የመንግስት ሃይሎችን “ቤቶችን ወደ መሬት ማቃጠል ፣ ያለአግባብ አፈፃፀም ፣ አስገድዶ መድፈር ፣ የዘፈቀደ እስራት እና እስራት ፣ አንዳንድ ጊዜ መላ ቤተሰቦችን ጨምሮ እጅግ አሰቃቂ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶች” ሲል ከሰሰ ፡ ከዚያን ጊዜ ጀምሮ በበርካታ የኦሮሚያ አካባቢዎች ያለው ሁኔታ ተባብሷል ፣ በተለይም ሀአካሉ ሁንዴሳአ ከተገደለ ወዲህ ፡፡ የአብይ እና የፒ.ፒ ባለሥልጣናት በታዋቂው ዘፋኝ ግድያ ላይ የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ሰራዊት (ኦነግ) እና ህወሓትን በፍጥነት ለመወንጀል ፈጣን ነበሩ ፡፡
መንግስት የሃካአሉን ግድያ ተከትሎ የተከሰተውን ቁጣ እና አመፅ በመጠቀም ሁለቱን ዋና የኦሮሞ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ማለትም የኦሮሞ ፌዴራሊስት ኮንግረስ (ኦፌኮ) እና ኦነግን በርካታ ታዋቂ አመራሮችን በቁጥጥር ስር አውሏል ፡ መስሪያ ቤቶቻቸውን በመዝጋት በመላ ሀገሪቱ ብዙ መሪዎቻቸውን እና አባሎቻቸውን በማሰር ኦፌኮ ከቀጣዩ ምርጫ ለማግለል ያለውን ፍላጎት ይፋ አደረገ ፡፡
ኦነግ እና የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት
የኦሮሞን የፖለቲካ ፣ የባህልና የኢኮኖሚ ጭቆና ለማስቆም በ 1970 ዎቹ የተቋቋመው ኦነግ ለኦሮሞ የራስን ዕድል በራስ የመወሰን መብት ለማግኘት ይታገላል ፡፡ ከዚያን ጊዜ ጀምሮ ተከታታይ የኢትዮጵያ ገዢዎች ቡድኑን ለማጥፋት ሞክረዋል ፡፡ በእርግጥ ፣ በሕወሃት የሚመራው የኢሕአፓ አንኳር አባል እንደመሆኑ ለዓመታት ኦነግን በመሰለል ቡድኑን ለመተባበር ወይም ለመንቀል ሲሞክሩ ቆይተዋል ፡፡
እ.ኤ.አ በ 1991 ኦነግ የመንግስቱ ኃይለማርያምን የኮሚኒስት አገዛዝ ከገረሰሰ የነፃነት ግንባሮች ሰፈሮች መካከል ነበር ፡፡ የብዙ አገራት ፌዴራሊዝም እንዲጀመርም የጀመረው የኢትዮጵያ የሽግግር መንግሥት አካል ነበር ፡፡ ሆኖም በኦነግ ውስጥ የኦነግ ድጋፍ በሕወሃት ቁጥጥር ስር ባለዉ የኦሮሞ ሕዝቦች ዴሞክራሲያዊ ድርጅት (ኦሕዴድ) ተወዳዳሪ የማይሆን ሆኖ ሲገኝ ፣ ሕወሃት ኦነግን ከሽግግር አደረጃጀቱ አስወጣ ፡፡
ኢህአዴግም ኦነግን ለማጥፋት የተቃጠለ የምድር ዘመቻ ጀመረ ፡፡ ብዙዎቹ ከፍተኛ አመራሮቹ ተገደሉ ፣ ብዙዎች ተሰወሩ ፣ በአስር ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ የኦነግ አመራሮች እና አባላት ወደ ወህኒ ወርደዋል ወይም ተሰደዋል ፡፡ የቀድሞው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር መለስ ዜናዊ በአንድ ወቅት “እያንዳንዱን ኦሮሞን ብትቧጭ ኦነግ ታገኛለህ” ሲሉ ዋናውን የአብይ አባል የነበሩበት ኢህአደግ ኦነግን እንደ ሰበብ በመጠቀም ለሶስት አስርት ዓመታት ያህል ተቃዋሚ ኦሮሞን ሁሉ በመቆጣጠር ተቆጣጠረ ፡፡ ”- ለብዙዎች የእውነተኛ ህይወት ውጤት ያስከተለ የጋራ አጋንንታዊ ድርጊት። እ.ኤ.አ በ 2008 (እ.ኤ.አ.) የቀድሞው የህወሃት ከፍተኛ አመራሮች የኦሮሞ ብሔርተኞች በተመጣጠነ ኢላማነት ምክንያት የኢትዮጵያ “እስር ቤቶች አፋን ኦሮሞን ይናገራሉ” ሲሉ አስተያየታቸውን ሰጥተዋል ፡
የኦሮሞን ጭቆና እና መቀጠል መቀጠል የህወሃትን የበላይነት ያስቆመ እና ለአብይ መነሳት መንገድ የከፈተውን የተቃውሞ ሰልፎች (2014-2018) አቀጣጠለ ፡፡ አዲሱ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር የህወሓትን ሰላይ በመሆን ቡድኑን ለማስወገድ የሠሩትን ሥራ እየቀጠሉ ነው ፡፡
ኦነግ እ.ኤ.አ. በ 2018 ልክ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ እንደተመለሰ የአብይ መንግስት በኢህአዲግ ዘመን የነበረውን የድርጅቱን አደገኛ እና ጠበኛ ምስል መልሷል ፡፡ በኦሮሚያ ክልል ውስጥ ለተፈጠረው ከፍተኛ ትርምስ እና አለመረጋጋት ኦነግን ለመወንጀል የሞከረው በተመሳሳይ መንገድ ህወሃትን እንደከሰሰው ነው ፡፡ በእርግጥ መንግስትም ኦነግን ከህወሃት ጋር በማያያዝ ሁለቱ አገሪቱን ለማተራመስ አብረው የሚሰሩ ናቸው ሲል ተከራክሯል ፡፡
መንግሥት ሕወሓትን እና ኦነግን ያለ ምንም ምክንያት ኢትዮጵያን ለማተራመስ ጽንፈኛ ፣ ዓመፀኛና ምክንያታዊ ያልሆኑ አካላት ሲኦል አድርገው ለመድገም ሞክረዋል ፡፡ የፓርላማ አባላት በቅርቡ ባደረጉት ስብሰባ መንግስት ለሁለቱም አካላት በሽብርተኛነት እንዲሰየም ጥሪ አቅርበዋል ፡፡ አብይ በትግራይ ያደረገው ጦርነት እና ኦነግ እንዲወገድ ያቀረበው ጥሪ በማደግ ላይ ባለው የግለሰባዊ አምባገነን አገዛዝ ላይ የተቃውሞ ወንጀልን የማጥፋት እና የማጥፋት አካሄድ አንዱ አካል ነው ፡፡
ዛሬ ባለሥልጣናት ለየትኛውም የተቃውሞ አስተያየት ለኦነግ ድጋፍ በመወንጀል ምላሽ ይሰጣሉ ፡፡ የአገሪቱን አቅጣጫ በተመለከተ ጥያቄ የሚያነሱ የአከባቢው ባለሥልጣናት የኦነግ አባላት ወይም ደጋፊዎች በመሆናቸው ተከሰው ታስረዋል ፡፡ ልክ እንደ ዐብይ ዘመን ሁሉ የኦነግን ድጋፍ ክሶች በኦሮሚያ ውስጥ የፖለቲካ ተቃዋሚዎችን ለማስፈራራት ፣ ለመቆጣጠር እና ለመቅጣት መሠረት እየሆኑ ነው ፡፡
ከሁለት አስርት ዓመታት በላይ በግዞት ከተሰደደ በኋላ ኦነግ በ 2018 ደስታውን ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ተመልሷል ፡፡ በሚሊዮኖች የሚቆጠሩ አድናቂዎች ፓርቲውን በዋና ከተማዋ አዲስ አበባ በደስታ ተቀብለውታል ፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ፓርላማም ቡድኑ ለምርጫ ለመዘጋጀት መንገዱን በማመቻቸት “የሽብርተኛ” ድንጋጌን አንስቷል ፡፡
ለሶስት አስርት ዓመታት ያህል ከስደት እና ከብዙ መከፋፈል በኋላ ኦነግ የነበረበት የአንድ ጊዜ አስፈሪ ድርጅት ጥላ ነው ፡፡ ሆኖም ፣ በኦሮሞ ህዝብ መካከል ወደር የማይገኝለት ስሜታዊ ትስስር አለው ፡፡ አብይ ገና ከመጀመሪያው ቡድኑን እንዳያግደው አድርጓል ፡፡ መንግስት ከቡድኑ ጋር ያደረገው የሰላም ስምምነት ቀለሙ ሳይደርቅ እንኳን በውዝግብ የታጀበ ነበር ፡፡
የኦነግ አመራሮች ወደ አዲስ አበባ መመለሳቸው በተቃውሞ ሰልፎች እና ከዚያ በኋላ የተከሰቱ ሁነቶች አጋጥመውታል ፣ አብዛኛው ደግሞ የኋላ ኋላ በክልል ተዋንያን የተቀነባበረ ይመስላል ፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ብሄርተኞች ኦነግን እንደ መገንጠል ንቅናቄ እና የመጨረሻው የፀረ-ኢትዮጵያዊነት መገለጫ አድርገው ይመለከቱታል ፡፡ ኢሕአፓ ፀረ-ኦነግን ስሜት በከተማ ቁንጮዎች ልብና አእምሮ ውስጥ ሲቆፍር ለአስርተ ዓመታት አሳል spentል ፡፡
የአብይ የብልጽግና ፓርቲ (ኦ.ፒ.) ኦሮሞዎች ኦነግን የሚመለከቱበትን ከፍተኛ ክብር እና በእንደዚህ ያለ አስፈሪ ተቃዋሚ ላይ የምርጫ ውድድርን ማሸነፍ እንደማይችል ያውቅ ነበር ፡ ሆኖም ወርቅነህ ተሾመ በቅርቡ እንዳመለከተው ፣ በኦሮሚያ ውስጥ ያሉ የፒ.ፒ. ካድሬዎች መጀመሪያ ቡድኑን የሚቋቋሙ ይመስላሉ ፡ በሰላም ስምምነቱ አፈፃፀም ላይ በተከሰሱ ክሶች መካከል ግንኙነቶች በፍጥነት ተበላሹ ፡፡ የምርጫ ቦርድ ቡድኑን ለምርጫ የምስክር ወረቀት ያቀረበውን አጠናቋል ፡፡ ኦነግ ሙሉ ትጥቅ ለማስፈታት ተለዋጭ ሆነ ፡፡ ፒ.ፒ ከኦሮሞ ፌዴራሊስት ኮንግረስ (ኦፌኮ) እና ከሌሎች የኦሮሞ ፓርቲዎች ጋር ጥምረት ለመፍጠር የኦነግን ጥረትም በድንጋይ ተወነ ፡፡
ኦነግ በመጨረሻ ተጸጽቶ የኦነግ አመፀኞችን ኃላፊነት ለአባ ጋዳ ምክር ቤት አስረከበ ፡፡ የምርጫ ቦርድ የምስክር ወረቀቱን አፀደቀ ፡፡ ኦኤልኤን ትጥቅ ለማስፈታት በሻምብሊክ ሙከራዎች ከወደቁ በኋላ ፒፒ እና ኦነግ እንደገና በመላ ኦሮሚያ ዙሪያ የወረዳ ቢሮዎችን መክፈት ሲጀምሩ እንደገና መጋጨት ጀመሩ ፡፡
ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩን ጨምሮ የፒ.ፒ አመራሮች ኦነግ ለሁለቱም ወገኖች ለመጫወት እየሞከረ ነው ሲሉ መክሰሱን ቀጠሉ-ለአመፅ ድጋፍ መስጠቱን የቀጠለ ሲሆን ለምርጫ ውድድርም እየተዘጋጁ ነው ፡፡ የኦነግ አመራሮች ክሱን አስተባብለዋል ፡፡ ከዚያ እስሩ ተጀመረ ፡፡ በጥቅምት ወር የፒ.ፒ ባለሥልጣናት በኦነግ ውስጥ የውስጥ መፈንቅለትን በመንደፍ የቡድኑን ለረጅም ጊዜ ሊቀመንበር የነበሩትን አቶ ዳውድ ኢብሳ በግልፅ በመደገፍ እና በፓርቲው ውስጥ ላሉት ከዳተኞች አካላት የጥቃት ድጋፍ በመስጠት ላይ ይገኛሉ ፡፡
የአብይ መንግስት “የኦነግ ሽፍቶች” ን በማደን ስም በትግራይ ጦርነት ጀርባ በኦሮሞው ላይ የሚፈጽመውን እርምጃ አጠናክሮ ቀጥሏል ፣ ልጆቻቸውም አመፀኞቹን ተቀላቀሉ የተባሉ ወላጆችን እንኳን በቁጥጥር ስር በማዋል ህገ-ወጥ የሰዓት እላፊ እና ወጣቶችን ያለአግባብ መግደል ጀምረዋል ፡፡ የኦሮሚያ ፖሊስ በኅዳር ወር ከመገናኛ ብዙሃን ትኩረት ውጭ ከ 370 በላይ ታጣቂዎችን መግደሉን አስታውቋል ፡፡ በታህሳስ ወር መጀመሪያ ላይ በኦሮሚያ የሚገኙ የፒ.ፒ ተወካዮች በምስራቅ ሀረርጌ ዞን የኦነግ አባላትን ጨምሮ 473 ተጠርጣሪዎች መሳሪያ መያዛቸውን እና ማሰራታቸውን የገለጹ ሲሆን ቡድኑ በሁሉም የኦሮሚያ ዞኖች ውስጥ መገኘቱን ያሳያል ፡፡
አብይ የኢትዮጵያን የዴሞክራሲያዊ ሽግግር ዕድል አባከነ ፡፡ አገሪቱ በአሁኑ ጊዜ ግዙፍ የፖለቲካ እና ማህበራዊ ስብጥር ላይ ነች ፡፡ በትግራይ የተደረገው ጦርነት እና የታጋሩ አስተባባሪ የብሄር መገለጫ የኢትዮጵያን ብሄራዊ ጨርቃ ጨርቅ በአንድ ላይ የሚሸምነውን ክር ቀጋ ፡፡ ከዚህ ጦርነት በኋላ ኢትዮጵያ መቼም ቢሆን ለትግራዮች ተመሳሳይ አትሆንም ፡፡
በሞያሌ ውስጥ መንሸራተት አብይ ኦሮሞን በሕገ-ወጥ መንገድ ለመዘርጋት ያለውን ፍላጎት ያሳያል ፡፡ አቢይ በዚህ የጭቆናና የግፍ ጎዳና ከቀጠለ የስልጣን ዘመናቸውን የሚጎዱ የዓመፅ ዘሮችን በመትከል በመጨረሻም የኢትዮጵያን ግዛት መበታተን ያበስራል ፡፡ የደርግም ሆነ የኢህአዲግ አገዛዝ እራሳቸውን የማይበገሩ እንደሆኑ አድርገው በማየት የኢትዮጵያን መንግስት በአደገኛ ሁኔታ ወደ ቁርጥራጭነት አቀረቡ ፡፡ አብይ የታሪክ ትምህርቶችን ልብ ማለት አለበት ፡
The number of refugees arriving into Sudan from Ethiopia’s conflict-hit Tigray region has increased from about 400 a day to more than 800.
It has been 26 days since the middle-aged woman from Humera, a city in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, lost contact with her husband and children.
She is among the tens of thousands of Ethiopian refugees to have crossed the border into Sudan in recent weeks to flee the fighting that broke out early last month between federal government troops and Tigrayan rebels.
Sitting inside a tarpaulin tent at a border refugee camp, she is checking again with the Sudanese Red Crescent Office for new information. Not ready to give up, she says she prefers to stay in the area, hoping that her loved ones might show up here at any moment. Such stories of separation or of refugees not being able to reach family members are common here. The Sudanese Red Crescent, working in coordination with the International Committee of the Red Cross, is trying to help. “We started a programme called ‘family reunification’,” says Hudhaifa Mohamed Saleh, of the Sudanese Red Crescent. “At the beginning, we allow them to call their family members for free. If that doesn’t work, we send short messages via our partner agencies in Ethiopia. So far we have conducted 2,500 phone calls and sent 86 messages. Seventy percent of the phone calls lead to good results. Over the past few days, the number of refugees arriving into Sudan has increased from about 400 a day to more than 800, according to the United Nations. Part of the increase is due to a new round of fighting that has been reported between the Ethiopian army and rebel forces loyal to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in the area of Shire west of the regional capital, Mekelle. “There is a lot of fear,” says Andrew Mbogori, emergency coordinator for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. “There [are] a lot of communal conflicts inside Tigray and they found it easier or safer to come to Sudan.” Al Jazeera’s Mohamed Vall, reporting from Um Rakuba refugee camp, said there was a flurry of construction of activity at the settlement.
“The place is expanding,” he noted. “The feeling is that this situation is going to take a lot of time before being resolved; people are saying they can’t go home to Ethiopia until they see a political settlement, until they make sure that the area of Tigray is under the authority of a locally elected government.”
In the early hours of November 4, the central government in Addis Ababa launched an offensive on Tigray to capture its leaders after what it described as a surprise attack by TPLF forces on army troops stationed in the region.
More than a month of fighting is believed to have killed thousands of people, displaced more than one million and driven some 47,000 others into Sudan.null
A week after seizing Mekelle, the government says the conflict is nearing its final stages and that it is close to capturing the TPLF’s leaders. The TPLF, however, says there is still fighting outside the regional capital.https://players.brightcove.net/665003303001/A3nzcwywTg_default/index.html?videoId=6214348949001&playsinline=true
Reporting from near the border, Vall said refugees coming from Ethiopia are reporting instances of looting, as well as witnessing “two rounds of violence: the first being the military coming in to chase the rebels [away], and the second [being] members of local militia, particularly Amhara militia called Fano, who come after the defeat of the rebels to loot inside the homes and expel civilians from their places”.
Shimei Abra Adiko, an Ethiopian refugee in Sudan, said: “The militia said they would kill us because we are from Tigray. They told us, ‘You have 24 hours to leave’, and they began to loot our animals and property.”
The TPLF has also accused Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s forces of looting in Mekelle.null
“[They are] looting civilian properties, hotels and damaging factories after looting,” TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda told a TPLF-owned TV station.
The government has previously denied targeting or discriminating against ethnic Tigrayans, insisting its operations “target primarily the disgruntled, reactionary and rogue members of the TPLF clique”.
With most internet and telephone communications in Tigray down and access to the region severely restricted, it is difficult to verify the statements by either warring side.Some 46,000 refugees have poured into Sudan since fighting in Ethiopia’s Tigray began last month SOURCE : AL JAZEERA
By Seenaa Jimjimo Some say, #OromoProtests and oromo #QerrosAndQerres are the true freedom fighters but too bad, They are just too… for their lives to be worthy of th news. Others say there is no one or organization that cares about what they preach. Freedom is taken by the oppressed never given. There are no other ways around a national dialogue in Ethiopia. Oromo political leaders must speak up and strategize the way forward. Kids protesting or closing road in periphery will not have a significant impact. Push for dialogue must start the center. The next frontier. Oromos and good people of Ethiopia shall not just respond or wait for government to set an agenda. They must create one and stay focus on those they created. One shouldn’t always dance to the beat of somebody. If the poison Abiy gives or feeds those close to him holds any truth, we shall see a peace and prosperity in no time, especially in oromia where the region seem a war zone. For those assuming tplf were behind killing of innocents, December 1st on words shall be deferent.
Oromiyaa keessa hokkoorri hammatee jira har’a muddee 5 /Galgala sa’aatii 8 :00 tti akka baha afrikaatti sa’aatii 2:00tti Sochiin yaada dhiyeeffachuu karaa Tiwiteeraa waan adeemsifamuuf qophooftaanii jirtuu? Erga kanaa waliif qooduudhaan hiriyoota keessaan walitti irratti hirmaachuudhaaf qophaa’aa! #OromoProtest irratti cuqasuudhaan yaada keessaan addunyaaf ibsaa. Tokkummaadhaan falmaadhaa haqa oromoo addunyaatti mul’isaa yakkaa mootummaa abbaa irree Abiy saaxiluudhaan suuraan deegaruudhaan argisiisaa midiyaalee hawwaachaa tokkummaadhaan to’adhaa! Injiffannoon ummata oromoof
There is a crisis in Oromia! * Today * December 5 EST / 5 pm GMT / 8 pm Join our campaign to start in East Africa (around 2pm in Oromia / Ethiopia). are you ready? Republish this and 2 friends who want to see this in the comments go back to the #OromoProtests
በኦሮሚያ ውስጥ ቀውስ አለ! * ዛሬ * ዲሴምበር 5 ከምሽቱ 12 ሰዓት EST / 5 pm GMT / 8 pm ምስራቅ አፍሪካ (በኦሮሚያ / ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ 2 ሰዓት አካባቢ) የሚጀምረውን ዘመቻችንን በመቀላቀል መልእክቱን ያሰራጩ ፡፡ ተዘጋጅተካል? ይህንን በድጋሜ ያትሙ እና ይህንን በአስተያየቶች ውስጥ ማየት የሚፈልጉ 2 ጓደኛዎችን ወደኋላ መመለስ ጠቋሚውን #OromoProtests
هناك أزمة تحدث في أوروميا! انشر الخبر بالانضمام إلى حملتنا التي تبدأ * اليوم * 5 ديسمبر الساعة 12 ظهرًا بتوقيت شرق الولايات المتحدة / 5 مساءً بتوقيت غرينتش / 8 مساءً شرق إفريقيا (2:00 بالتوقيت المحلي في أوروميا / إثيوبيا). هل أنت جاهز؟ أعد تغريد هذا & وسم 2 من الأصدقاء الذين يحتاجون إلى رؤية هذا في التعليقات ، مشيرًا لأسفل المؤشر الخلفي #OromoProtests
Ibiddi mana maatii tokkoo ka’ee kun humna ol babbal’achuu balaa hedduu qaqqabsiisa kan jiru yoo ta’u namootni kumaatamaan lakka’aaman naannoo sana gadhiisaani akka deemaan hoggantootni ajaajuu fi ogeessonni ibidda dhaamsan 500 ol irratti hirmaataniis hanga ammatti to’ataanii dhaamsuun hin dandeenye.
Mootummaan magaala maqalee to’achuu erga beeksise as mormiin uumataa yeroo jalqabaatiif har’a dhohee jira. Kunis yakkaa guyyaa guyyaan waraanni mootummaa jiraatoota irratti rawwatuu fi sarbaa mirga namoomaa geggeessaa jiru dura dhaabachuudhaan fincila diddaa garbummaa fi falmi mirga ofiin of bulchuu akkasumas hiree ofiin murteeffannaa uumata Tigiray haalan kan calaqisisee ture. Uumanni sodaa du’aa fi dararama waraanan isaan irra gahe of irra finciluuf siyaasa Uumanni Tigiray raayya ittisa biyyaa wajjin dhaabatan jedhu kan falleessee fi soba ta’uu isaa ifatti baasee kan mul’ise dha. Akka odeeffannoon achi irra arganne ibsutti akkasumas obboo Geetachoo Raddaa karaa foodda Televiziyoona Naannoo Sagalee wayyaanee fi Televizina Tigiray kennetti wal waraansi fi wal dura dhaabbannaan qamoota hidhatan laman jidduutti jiru cimee kan itti fufee fi ibsi Muummichi ministeera Abiy Ahmaad tibba darbe waraana xumurree injifannoo gonfannerra jedhu mamii keessa kan galee fi waraanni gaggamaa namoota nagaa irra gahu amma illee kan itti fufe jiruu ta’uu fi mootummoonni Gamtooman ibsa dhiyeenya baaseen sararri bilbilaa naannoo Tigiray keessatti adda citee ture atattamaan akka iddootti deebifamu mootummaa itiyoophiyaa akeekkachiisuun ibsamee jira.
Jawar Mohammed: The war in Tigray is a result of Ethiopia’s mismanaged transition
The myriad political problems facing Ethiopia cannot be resolved through a war. To prevent further mayhem, the international community and regional players should exert maximum pressure on all parties for an immediate ceasefire and all-inclusive national dialogue.
Ethiopia is back in the global spotlight once again with the outbreak of the war in Tigray. I am saddened but not surprised. For anyone with a cursory understanding of the fragility of Ethiopia’s transitional politics, the escalation of tensions between the federal government and the Tigray state into a full-blown military conflict does not come as a surprise. The tell-tale signs were there for everyone to see as the warring parties openly prepared their respective forces for the eventuality of an all-out armed confrontation.
While the specter of war had been hanging over our heads for at least two solid years, the weeks before the formal commencement of the war were particularly alarming. As antagonisms between the federal government and the Tigray state reached a climax, federal and Tigray state media outlets regularly showed military parades, highly drilled commando paratrooper units, and red-beret Special Forces performed in mock-operations in an apparent show of force. All indications were that clashes were in the offing in a not so distant future. Then came November 4, 2020: The country woke up to the news of yet another deadly war.
We, in the Oromo Protest movement, had precisely anticipated this danger long before the drums of war began to reverberate between Finfinne and Mekelle, and put a considerable amount of effort in a desperate attempt to avert the unfortunate bloodshed. Regrettably, all political actors and outside stakeholders -including us- failed to prevent the war despite having ample time and incentive to do so in what now appears to be a collective failure of imagination. But why did we fail?
Below I will highlight some of our efforts and reflection as to why we could not attain the desired outcome in the interests of setting the record straight and as a useful lesson as we continue to navigate the treacherous terrains of Ethiopia’s utterly mismanaged political transition. Note that since I don’t have access to my journal and other useful reference materials as I sit inside the four walls of a prison cell, I rely on retrieved recollections from memory to outline the sequence of events on the topic.
Long before Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed emerged as chairman of the then ruling coalition and eventually took over the stewardship of the transitional process -in fact way before the Oromo Protests erupted- we knew that one of our main tasks was designing a strategy to dislodge the principal handlers of the authoritarian regime from power without plunging what was already a polarized country into a civil war, or even worse, without turning it into a failed state.
We believed that the process of inducing change into a minority-dominated authoritarian rule and its aftermath would have extremely dangerous consequences if not carefully handled. Our fear of a carelessly handled regime change possibly leading to a civil war and/or state collapse, was based on the following assessments of present and historical factors.
History of Ethiopian state formation
Ethiopia is a polity created via the conquest of various national groups, and the successive nation-building projects attempted through forced assimilationist policies aborted with the rise of the national question. The last attempt at nation and state-building through the formation of a multinational federation was also undermined by the authoritarian nature of the regime. Thus, the failure to build a state whose legitimacy is unquestioned by constituent national groups led to the birth of competing nationalisms.
In such a situation, the contest between the power holders and its challengers is highly likely to take an ethnic dimension as each side taps into those competing nationalist narratives, paving way for horizontal conflicts among various national groups. By the time we were designing the strategy against the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), these competing nationalisms were already robust and institutionalized. The risk for horizontal conflicts to arise and transform into a civil war was very high.
Nature of the regime
EPRDF was dominated by the coalition’s senior partner, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), whose political base is a minority ethno-linguistic group representing merely six percent of Ethiopia’s population. When such minority political groups disproportionately dominate power, as much as holding power yields disproportionate material and sentimental dividend to members and affiliates of this group, the loss of this power or threat thereof, poses perceived or real existential threat both to their accumulated wealth and/or to their safety.
Although authoritarian rules of this type mostly enrich only a small clique of voracious sharks in the upper echelons of power, the fear of existential threat is usually shared by the rank and file within the party structure as well as by the entire population from which the dominant group hails.
The power holding political elite also tap into this fear to mobilize the mass and thereby insulate themselves from potential harm. Given this scenario, power contestations between those in power and their challengers could easily turn into a horizontal ethnic conflict. The fact that institutions of the federal government were dominated by elites of TPLF’s minority group meant that such a sense of existential threat and subsequent horizontal conflict could fracture those institutions, risking state collapse. I have written about this in 2010 on Tigrayan Nationalism. Our concern was exacerbated when we witnessed events in Syria and how a threatened power holding minority could wreak havoc, as I argued here in September 2012.
The above factors weighed heavy on our minds when designing a strategy to induce change towards a democratic transition in Ethiopia. The core principles of our strategic approach were as follows:
- While demanding that the TPLF cede power by mounting pressure through popular protests that indicated that change was inevitable, we also advocated that they should be given assurances against a punitive redistribution of wealth, aggressive persecution, and prosecution for past crimes should they give up federal power without further bloodshed. The assurances would also include a guarantee of autonomy for the Tigray Regional State so it could continue to be protected by federal forces against external threats. It was agreed to clearly and repeatedly communicate this to them formally and informally.We were very much aware of the gross human rights violations and corruption the TPLF dominated EPRDF had been engaged in. After all, Oromos and Oromia were the primary victims of brutality and exploitation. Yet, as painful as it is, we felt that sacrificing justice would be necessary to avoid a catastrophic civil war and broaden the chance for the transition into a sustainable democratic system.
- To reinforce this assurance and reduce uncertainty, it was believed that we should adopt a non-violent popular movement rather than an armed struggle. We believed civil disobedience posed less existential threat than armed confrontations. Furthermore, the transition should be through reform rather than overthrowing the regime entirely, and that is it should be led by reform-minded elements or factions within the ruling party who hold onto power rather than the opposition. We thought it would be simpler to assuage fears by the TPLF leadership of aggressive persecution, if they relinquished power to members of their ruling coalition than opposition groups that they considered more hostile.
- During the resistance movement, civilian members of the minority group should be protected to reduce the development of a sense of collective insecurity among the Tigrayan people. This was effectively implemented during the four and half years of the Oromo Protest. No Tigrayan was harmed by protesters. Even senior political and security elites were spared from direct attack. These strategies worked better than we could hope for. The resistance movement overall cost us thousands of lives but the TPLF finally understood that it was no longer tenable to cling on to power in the face of mounting pressure. The leaders wisely accepted the golden parachute, agreeing to hand over power to then OPDO, and retreated to their home state.
It all went according to plan thus far but our scheme had a second phase. The first, as discussed above, was dislodging the TPLF from power without causing a civil war in the process. The second phase was reintegrating and reconciling TPLF members to be part of the new democratic multinational federation. We believed that reconciling and reintegrating them was as crucial for the success of the transition as carefully dislodging them from power was.
It was the failure to effectively implement this second phase that significantly contributed to the current crisis. There are many reasons and enough blame to go around on why this phase failed. From my perspective, the following are a few of them:
- The plan to implement the second phase began to falter from the very beginning of the transition. On the eve of the transition, tension began to increase between TPLF hardliners and the incoming reformist team. At the ruling coalition council’s meeting convened to elect new leadership, the TPLF lodged a harsh and abusive criticism on the designated chairman and Prime Minister-elect, Abiy Ahmed, and went as far as refusing to cast even a single of their 45 votes for him. This created a bitter rift between the group that needed to be reconciled and the person responsible for presiding over the reintegration process.
- Another reason is that those tasked with implementing the second phase had different understandings, motivations, and tactics from those who planned it. In other words, those who came to power to lead the transition and those at the forefront of the protest movement had a different understanding of the way forward. The freshly minted “reformist” leaders saw the TPLF as a mortal threat to consolidating power rather than an old regime that could be useful to facilitate the transition process if properly reconciled with and reintegrated into the plan.Part of the problem was that individuals who came to play a decisive role in government were not active participants in the negotiations that led to the transition – not only did they not share our concerns nor did they feel that they should abide by the terms of those agreements. Instead of actively reassuring TPLFites and the larger Tigrayan elite, they pursued aggressive purging, harsh criticisms of their track records, and persecution of many key members of the TPLF including army generals and businesses. This led the TPLF and majority Tigrayan elites to believe they were deceived into giving up power with false promises strengthening the position of hardliners and silencing moderates.They immediately resorted to aggressive and combative rhetoric, having felt that they immediately became a target despite holding onto their end of the bargain to relinquish power. Their fear was exacerbated by how the peace deal with Eritrea was handled. Their exclusion from the peacemaking process with their archenemy made the TPLF feel the reproach was motivated by the desire to create an alliance against them rather than a sincere effort to end the decade’s long hostility between the two countries.Those who ascended to federal power also had reasons to feel insecure and threatened by TPLF’s deep state. They suspected TPLF operatives to be behind several acts of violence, such as communal clashes and the attempted assassination of Abiy himself. For the new power holders, the TPLF was sabotaging the reform effort as a means of blackmailing and undermining the federal government. The TPLF did not do much to reassure them either. In fact, harsh criticisms forwarded by some of its senior officials against the Prime Minister further heightened the sense of insecurity by the central government.The grenade attack at the rally organized in support of the new Prime Minister in June of 2018 was officially blamed on former chief of intelligence, Getachew Assefa, yet he was re-elected to the Executive Committee in a clear act of aggression. The fact that key elites in both camps had known each other for long has also resulted in personalized animosity. More importantly, leaders of the two sides grew up under an authoritarian culture where imposing one’s views and interests on the other with the use of force was a norm, and reaching compromises to bridge differences was regarded as a sign of weakness.
- It was obvious that the ruling coalition needed to reform, or at least rebrand itself, to remain in power and remain relevant. In fact, the coalition partners had agreed to reform the party even before the transition had begun. It was also obvious that TPLF’s dominant role would be reduced to reflect the new power order. And such reduction of power would create sour feelings in various sectors, hence the need for careful negotiations, power bargains, and discussions. Yet no such negotiations and discussions were undertaken during the early period of the transition.
On the contrary, such possibilities were deliberately avoided in favor of false harmony. For instance, at the 11th EPRDF Congress in Hawassa, the TPLF gave 100% of its vote to PM Abiy to continue as chairman of the coalition; this was despite their increasing resentment and fear towards his actions such as the purging of Tigrayan security and military officials and his right-wing leaning political rhetoric that contradicted EPRDF’s core leftist ideology and the perceived threat Abiy’s rhetoric carried to their regional autonomy.
During the early months of the transition, at the time when deeper discussion and negotiations were needed, the coalition stopped its usual culture of holding regular meetings and debates guided by the coalition’s principles of ‘democratic centralism’ in which differences are supposed to be ironed out internally rather than exposed to the public.
The EPRDF’s Executive Committee of the 36 powerful individuals rarely met. Even the crucial issue of merging the party, which was agreed upon in Hawassa, was avoided until the last minute. There was no real and genuine discussion and negotiation about the matter. When the issue was finally tabled, it was presented as a take it or leave it to matter on both sides with no desire for finding a middle ground.
Instead of negotiations, power bargains, and persuasions, deceptions and threats were deployed in public from both sides. After such a badly managed merger affair, the bond that tied the Tigray region and the new power holders in the federal government was all but severed. In a polity where a single party rule from federal to village level was the norm, two parties with an ugly break up began ruling the federal and regional governments, making their relationship more cumbersome than that between two sovereign countries hostile to one another. After the merger fiasco, the enmity between the two sides became official and preparations to forcefully assert their respective interests began to be pursued publicly.
The relationship between the two had been severely damaged way before the arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic. As I have argued in several interviews the two sides were already preparing for war long before election politics gripped public consciousness.
One could safely argue that the election postponement was a missed opportunity to reset the relationship and to negotiate an amicable political settlement but the two sides only used it as an opportunity to further de-legitimize each other as they prepared behind the scenes for today’s armed showdown. The postponement might have sped up the war, but for anyone closely observing Ethiopia, it was obvious that the two sides had made up their mind to settle their differences by the barrel of the gun rather than around the negotiating table. The writing was on the wall.
In the absence of mutually reassuring communication and negotiation, insecurity on both sides, that is TPLF’s fear of retribution for past misdeeds and Abiy’s concern of losing control due to acts of sabotage by TPLF’s deep state was worsening. Hence each side focused on taking defensive actions to neutralize perceived threats. Abiy by purging them from security and bureaucracy and TPLF by building its military capability and attempting to broaden its political and security alliance outside Tigray.
The securitization of the relationship facilitated for hardliners to dominate TPLF’s decision making while pushing Abiy and the federal government to rely on and come under increasing influence personalities and entities that advocated violent resolution of the TPLF issue. Sadly, international actors, perhaps underestimating the likelihood of a war breaking out, did little to diffuse the ever-growing tension. Even worse some foreign states and ambassadors took sides emboldening the quarreling forces to be more aggressive and combative.
Thus, the war in Tigray did not suddenly erupt due to the attacks on the Northern Command of the National Defense Forces. The Northern Command has been a hostage of the Finfinne – Mekele political gridlock for the last two years. The Tigray regional government had openly declared that no weapon could leave the region and the army’s movement had been severely restricted. As the tension increased, Tigray feared the federal government would use the Northern Command to forcefully take over the region from within the territory, while the federal authorities were worried that the heavy armament in possession of the Northern Command could be used by the TPLF to launch an attack not only within the regional state but even on the center.
In other words, the Northern Command was seen as a crucial element that could tip the balance of force in the power struggle between Finfinne and Mekelle. After squandering opportunities to negotiate a mutually reassuring deal during the early months of the transition and with external actors fanning the tension rather than pressing for resolution, the war was inevitable.
Finally, at the risk of self-praise, let me highlight some of those little efforts. As one of the people involved in designing the Oromo Protests strategies, I spent a considerable amount of time pondering, writing, and speaking to stakeholders about how to dislodge TPLF from power and safely reintegrate them. I played an active role in the first phase – in dislodging the TPLF – and tried to play a bit of an advisory (mediator) role in the second.
In the first phase, I had direct participation in the discussions and negotiations. In the second phase, I tried to urge the two sides charged with the matter to take reconciliation and reintegration as a priority. For instance, when PM Abiy and President Lamma came to the US, one of the main topics of our discussion was how to handle the TPLF conundrum.
Having had a positive reaction from them, I called President Debretsion while Abiy and Lemma were still in the U.S. and explained to him the urgency of this task. I also informed both Abiy and Debretsion that activists and public intellectuals would wage campaigns to shape public opinions in favor of reconciliation and reintegration. To work towards this end we would travel to Mekelle right after my return to Ethiopia. Both sides thought this was a good idea.
Upon my return, I communicated with both sides to arrange the trip to Mekelle. Those in Finfinne advised me to travel to Bahir Dar first to prevent possible suspicion and negative reactions from the Amhara side. Mekelle also agreed and I first traveled to Bahir Dar. However, my travel to Mekelle was repeatedly delayed and postponed primarily as the relationship between the two sides deteriorated. Those at the federal government were reluctant while Mekelle also grew suspicious of our true intentions. The plan was finally canceled when the former spy chief, Getachew Assefa, was elected to TPLF’s Executive Committee (EC) in defiance of the federal government’s arrest warrant against him.
Although the plan to travel to Mekelle to help with public opinion did not materialize, I did not give up lobbying for the two sides to solve their differences through negotiations. That tragic day the chief of armed forces and the president of the Amhara region were assassinated, I was extremely alarmed by how state media in Amhara and Tigray regional states were fanning the tension. I decided to reach out to veterans of the ANDM and TPLF in the respective regional states to plead with them to tone down the hostility and honor the martyrs of both sides.
This conversation developed into an idea of veteran politicians, drawn both from the EPRDF and opposition side, conducting back door negotiations between Mekelle and Finfinne to facilitate formal negotiations among the officials. Six individuals from both sides were selected. The plan was endorsed both by PM Abiy and president Debretsion. But for reasons I still don’t know it was abandoned before any face-to-face meeting was held. After the effort failed, I realized any effort to solve the problem amicably would prove futile. When we talked to them, officials of the two sides were more interested in soliciting our support for the inevitable confrontation.
Reconciliation and reintegration of TPLF was one of the primary focuses of my advocacy when meeting foreign diplomats as well. For instance, a few days after returning to Ethiopia I had meetings with ambassadors of some 20 countries including that of the U.S. and the European Union. In those meetings, I emphasized the crucial importance of resolving the TPLF/ Tigray issue for the success of the transition and emphasized that failure to reconcile would have serious ramifications for the country and regional stability. I urged these diplomats to put pressure on both sides to negotiate. In several meetings with foreign diplomats and officials in the last two and half years in the Horn Region, Europe, and the US, I have been pleading the same point, but I am not sure if it was taken seriously.
We dreamed of and planned for a peaceful transition to democracy. Nonviolently dislodging and then reintegrating the power holders in TPLF’s base was the centerpiece of our plan. We strongly believed successfully dislodging followed by reconciliation would be an essential component of not only successfully transitioning Ethiopia to democracy but also building on the multinational federal state by avoiding falling back into a catastrophic civil war. It did not work as we hoped.
While our plans to weaken and dislodge the TPLF turned out to be more successful than we had anticipated, efforts to reintegrate them into the transitional set up proved inadequate, forcing us to confront our worst fear – a civil war. Ironically, we choose to let EPRDF, the party that tyrannically ruled, continue to lead the transition believing that opposition taking over through regime change carries more risk of war.
Yet it is the split within the ruling coalition that brought about what we hoped to avoid. This reminds me of what the chairman of Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Professor Merera Gudina, said at the start of the transition that ‘Abiy’s main difficulty was managing the EPRDF rather than dealing with the opposition’ or something to that effect.
As I jot down this piece, the war is raging and the federal government has said it was marching to capture Mekelle. Regardless of which side wins in key battlefronts or the war itself, it’s obvious that Ethiopia loses on multiple fronts. Even before the war erupted the much-hoped-for transition was severely harmed by confrontations of the two sides and several other factors.
The main reason why we wanted to ease out TPLF with the offer of a golden parachute – assuring them that they would not be targets of vengeful persecutions and punitive redistribution of wealth, they would preserve their regional autonomy as well as receive protection from foreign adversaries – was to save the federation from eventual fragmentation.
We operated with a working assumption that any perception of an existential threat by the TPLF, which dominated the political and security apparatus of the Ethiopian state for almost three decades, could lead to the collapse of some of the federal institutions it built and held together. A look into the impact this war is having on the cohesion of the Ethiopian army provides a glimpse into the disastrous outcome of this fallout.
The war in Tigray is a direct result of a poorly managed transition into a democratic dispensation, which should not be viewed as an isolated problem. It is a tragic collective failure of the country’s political leadership – all of us, not just Abiy and the TPLF. There is enough blame to go around. One person or party could bear larger or lesser responsibilities but we all played a role. Through our acts of omission and commission, we squandered this great opportunity for a peaceful democratic transition and placed the country at a horrible civil war that could rip it apart.
From my prison cell, I cannot pretend to be up to speed with everyday developments on the war and the efforts of external actors to end it before it causes irreversible damage. It would therefore be presumptuous of me to try to offer concrete recommendations with limited information at hand. All I could do for the time being is plead with all sides to give peace a chance; remind various political groups to refrain from fanning the war and instead exert pressure to end the hostility.
Even if this war ends with the defeat of the TPLF leadership, genuine efforts must be made to reconcile and reintegrate the disenfranchised Tigrayan political, security, and economic elites into the country’s governance structures. The defeat of TPLF does not necessarily mean the end of the ‘Tigrayan problem’ for the Ethiopian state. The resurgence of wounded Tigrayan nationalism is inevitable unless extra care is given to avoid the victimization of Tigrayans. For instance, the disputed border between Amhara and Tigray states should be carefully handled not to leave cause for future conflict.
The unfinished issue of the Eritrean border also requires sensitive handling. In both border disputes, a ‘winner takes it all’ approach must be avoided.
The international community and regional players should exert maximum pressure to save this country from further mayhem by insisting on the immediate cessation of hostilities and encouraging Ethiopia’s political forces to resolve their differences through an all-inclusive national dialogue.
Finally, if any actor, be it state or non-state, believes they can achieve victory through a war in this country, they are mistaken. Certainly, one can defeat the other on the battlefield, but neither side would be victorious in building a peaceful and sustainable political order. We are poised to lose the country if we keep insisting on advancing our particular interest through the use of force. In our part, during the Oromo Protests, we consciously chose to wage nonviolent struggle because we believed it would give us a better chance of bringing about a transition to a multinational democratic federal system.
At the OFC, we firmly believe -as always-that nonviolent struggle and an all-inclusive dialogue remain Ethiopia’s best hope to successfully transition into a democratic order, ensure enduring stability and achieve sustainable development, and are committed to abiding by these principles. It has worked for us in the past. We hope it serves us better in the future as well.
Qaliti Federal Prison, Ethiopia
Jawar Mohammed is a politician and political analyst. He was arrested in July 2020 during the crackdown in the aftermath of the killing of Haacaaluu Hundeessa. He is currently on trial at the federal court in Ethiopia. This article, smuggled out of prison, was shared with the Ambo Tv by a member of his defense team.